‘Literary Symbols’: Language and Style in the 1707 Union Debates

2018 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-26
Author(s):  
Ralph McLean

The pamphlet war which surrounded the debates of the proposed Union between Scotland and England in 1707 has frequently been dismissed as a mere sideshow to the main events that took place in the Scottish Parliament. Until recently, the accepted viewpoint was that as only the landed elites possessed the vote, it was only they who could decide the political destiny of the country – the wider populace was largely an irrelevancy. However, the political speeches of the Scotsman, John Hamilton, Lord Belhaven, and the response to those speeches, by English man of letters, Daniel Defoe, suggests that the poetry and prose generated by these intense debates had a purpose to speak directly to the people, and to galvanise them for a cause, despite their lack of a direct political voice. This article investigates the importance of Belhaven's speeches in an attempt to understand why they had so much resonance with the general public, and the extent to which his opponents attempted to contain his appeal to the people.

2020 ◽  
pp. 21-28
Author(s):  
Carmina Romero-Escudero / ◽  
Laura Leticia Herrero-Vázquez ◽  
Abraham Espinosa-Hernandez ◽  
Claudia Eunice Rivera-Morales

The topic "Accounting and Fiscal Impact of Micro and Small Companies of Huejutla of Reyes, Hgo, was applied for its study to the food sales sector, the objective of this research is to understand the behavior of SMEs when using an accounting and fiscal regulation, for this research the mixed method was applied, for the qualitative part it was necessary to have a closer approach with the owners. and for the quantitative part, 314 surveys were applied with the support of 33 students. INEGI 2015 mentions that there are 394 food sales businesses, among the most outstanding data we find that of the 314 companies, 300 are micro-companies, that 74% of the people have not formalized their business, in relation to the IMSS 92% do not has its company registered and 8% registered is equivalent to 69 workers, 75% express that they do not know that the deposits reflected in the financial system cause taxes, 85% do not invoice the general public. In general, the results show a profile of resistance to compliance with the provisions of art. 31 Section IV, of the Political Constitution of the United Mexican States.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 39
Author(s):  
M Amin ◽  
Farida Utami ◽  
Fitriani Sari Handayani Razak

This article discusses the political participation of ulama in the Simultaneous Local Election in Polewali Mandar Regency. In the political tradition in Polewali Mandar, the main religious figure of Ulama is the central concern of the people in that place. This is because the Ulama become a figure who is heard and followed by their words and choices, so that every candidate for regent and deputy regent who will participate in the elections will first make a political visit to the charismatic Ulama in Polewali Mandar. This type of research used in this study is a qualitative research with a descriptive approach. An interesting thing that was obtained in the condition of Simultaneous Local Election in Polewali Mandar was the Political Participation of Ulama Voters' in the regional head election in Wonomulyo Subdistrict, Polewali Mandar Regency. Active participation, scholars are actively involved in determining the district head election process, because the election of the district head is an important issue that is in the interests of the general public, and scholars are considered an example of a true leader voter, and scholars are considered by the community as mediators in the event of a conflict of interest between supporters


2019 ◽  
pp. 270-295
Author(s):  
Aileen McHarg

Scotland’s devolved Parliament and Government were established in 1999 under the Scotland Act 1998. The current devolved arrangements build upon earlier institutional arrangements for the distinctive governance of Scotland, elements of which date back to the Union of 1707. By creating both a distinct legislature and separate institutions of political representation for Scotland, the 1999 reforms were nevertheless of profound constitutional significance. This chapter traces the development of devolved government in Scotland, arguing that the history of Scottish devolution is best understood as a response to nationalist sentiment: the assertion of the right of the people of Scotland to self-governance and self-determination. The historical trajectory has been one of increasing autonomy and constitutional recognition, and this pattern has continued since 1999 (culminating in an—unsuccessful—referendum in 2014 on the question whether Scotland should become wholly independent of the United Kingdom). However, despite the extensive powers enjoyed by, and the political importance of, the Scottish Parliament and Government, the status of devolution within the United Kingdom constitution is ambiguous and contested. The chapter also explores the constitutional status of devolution across two dimensions: the juridical—i.e. how the powers of the Scottish Parliament and Government are understood and interpreted by the courts; and the political—how the devolved Scottish institutions relate to their counterparts at UK level. The chapter ends by exploring how the tensions between Scotland’s powerful political claims for constitutional recognition, yet weak legal protection, have played out in relation to Brexit, and may play out in future in a Scottish political context still dominated by the independence question.


Author(s):  
Karen Piepenbrink

Chapter 5 examines the role of public opinion in Athenian debates in philosophical circles, especially in arenas such as public assemblies and law courts. It begins with a discussion of the dêmos’ attitudes and positions that occur in speeches, particularly in the political speeches and the prosecution and defence speeches from public trials. More specifically, it considers the attitudes of the dêmos towards the social and political elite as well as its positions on day-to-day politics. It then analyses the competition between orators in political debates that are held in public assemblies and in the law courts. It shows that orators refer back to alleged views of the people in order to communicate their own suggestions or petitions successfully even as they attempt to discredit their opponents, but at the same time distancing themselves from the dêmos and representing the interests of individuals.


Populism ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 184-206 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carola Schoor

Abstract This article clarifies how elitist elements are integrated into populist discourse by analyzing political speeches using this incongruent style. First, it introduces a method to identify populist, elitist, and pluralist discourse based on a shared logic, defining populism at an intercontextual level. Second, speeches by Donald Trump (US), Boris Johnson (UK), and Thierry Baudet (NL) are analyzed in their contexts to clarify their political styles and are then compared to see where these styles meet. The populism-elitism mix goes well with nationalism, as all three politicians combine the style with a nationalist ideology, which unites the people with the elite. Coalitions are created between the people and the “good” elite to fight the “bad” elite. Furthermore, the mix has rhetorical-strategic advantages, such as profiling oneself as unique on the political field. Overall, the blend shows political significance, justifying thoughtful academic consideration alongside the broad attention for full populism.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 638-655 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Rante Carreon ◽  
Chavalin Svetanant

Abstract The main goal of the study is to critically investigate the major elements of the political speeches of the Thai Prime Minister, Gen Prayuth Chan-ocha. Informed by van Dijk’s (1997) concept of Political Discourse Analysis, a corpus, composed of 10,672 word types and 325,398 word tokens, was examined for keywords related to the addressor, the addressee, and the political speech itself. The words with the highest relative frequencies were iteratively categorised into themes and a dialogic investigation was conducted on a portion of the original Thai version. The findings reveal that keywords relating to information conveyed by the addressor accounted for 62.86% (N=154) followed by keywords relating to functions of language at 22.04% (N=54). The high frequencies of these words shed light on the justification of the political, economic and social agenda, which were conveyed by the junta government using deontically modalised language. The quantitative and qualitative data analysis also indicate that the English and Thai speeches target different audiences. This discrepancy implicitly reflects an awkward situation where the military government attempts to present a good image to the international community while imposing actual military governance in the country.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Claus Offe

The “will of the (national) people” is the ubiquitously invoked reference unit of populist politics. The essay tries to demystify the notion that such will can be conceived of as a unique and unified substance deriving from collective ethnic identity. Arguably, all political theory is concerned with arguing for ways by which citizens can make e pluribus unum—for example, by coming to agree on procedures and institutions by which conflicts of interest and ideas can be settled according to standards of fairness. It is argued that populists in their political rhetoric and practice typically try to circumvent the burden of such argument and proof. Instead, they appeal to the notion of some preexisting existential unity of the people’s will, which they can redeem only through practices of repression and exclusion.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
abdul muiz amir

This study aims to find a power relation as a discourse played by the clerics as the Prophet's heir in the contestation of political event in the (the elections) of 2019 in Indonesia. The method used is qualitative based on the critical teory paradigm. Data gathered through literary studies were later analyzed based on Michel Foucault's genealogy-structuralism based on historical archival data. The findings show that, (1) The involvement of scholars in the Pemilu-Pilpres 2019 was triggered by a religious issue that has been through online social media against the anti-Islamic political system, pro communism and liberalism. Consequently create two strongholds from the scholars, namely the pro stronghold of the issue pioneered by the GNPF-Ulama, and the fortress that dismissed the issue as part of the political intrigue pioneered by Ormas NU; (2) genealogically the role of scholars from time to time underwent transformation. At first the Ulama played his role as well as Umara, then shifted also agent of control to bring the dynamization between the issue of religion and state, to transform into motivator and mediator in the face of various issues Practical politic event, especially at Pemilu-Pilpres 2019. Discussion of the role of Ulama in the end resulted in a reduction of the role of Ulama as the heir of the prophet, from the agent Uswatun Hasanah and Rahmatan lil-' ālamīn as a people, now shifted into an agent that can trigger the division of the people.


Author(s):  
Hugh B. Urban ◽  
Greg Johnson

The Afterword includes an interview with Bruce Lincoln, in which he is asked to reflect on the current study of religion, methods of comparison, and the political implications of academic discourse. In addition to responding to specific points in these chapters, Lincoln also fleshes out what he thinks it would mean “to do better” in the critical study of religion amid the ongoing crises of higher education today. Perhaps most importantly, he reflects upon and clarifies what he means by “irreverence” in the study of religion; an irreverent approach, he concludes, entails a rejection of the sacred status that other people attribute to various things, but not of the people themselves.


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