scholarly journals How Political and Social Trust Can Impact Social Distancing Practices During COVID-19 in Unexpected Ways

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frederike S. Woelfert ◽  
Jonas R. Kunst

In times of the coronavirus, complying with public health policies is essential to save lives. Understanding the factors that influence compliance with social distancing measures is therefore an urgent issue. The present research investigated the role of political and social trust for social distancing using a variety of methods. In Study 1 (N = 301), conducted with a sample from the United Kingdom in the midst of the virus outbreak (i.e., the first wave), neither political nor social trust had main associations with self-reported social distancing tendencies. However, both factors interacted such that social trust was associated with lower social distancing tendencies among participants with low levels of political trust. In Study 2, using an experimental longitudinal design and again conducted with a sample collected from the UK (N = 268) during the first wave of the pandemic, social distancing practices increased over time, independent of an experimental manipulation of political trust. Moreover, while the interaction between political and social trust from the first study could not be conceptually replicated, social trust was positively related to social distancing intentions. Moving from the individual to the country level and assessing actual behavior at both the first and second wave of the pandemic, in Study 3 (N = 65 countries), country-level political trust was related to less social distancing during the first wave. Social trust was related to a higher growth rate of infections. Against the background of these inconsistent findings, we discuss the potential positive and unexpected negative effects of social trust for social distancing.

2010 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 319-347 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christel Kesler ◽  
Irene Bloemraad

Abstract. This article is an attempt to qualify existing evidence that increasing diversity is detrimental to a vibrant civil society. We focus specifically on immigration-generated diversity, and argue that while it may have negative effects on some specific civic and political outcomes in some contexts, these effects vary widely across advanced democracies. Our argument rests on analysis of a cross-national, cross-sectional time-series dataset that brings together individual-level World Values Survey data with country-level variables. With these data, we track within-country changes over time in trust and engagement. We show that immigration can have a negative effect on social trust, organizational membership and political engagement, but that institutional arrangements shape this relationship in systematic ways. In more economically equal societies and in more multicultural countries (where cultural minorities are recognized and accommodated), the negative effects of immigration on trust and engagement are mitigated or even reversed. We conclude that there is no general link between immigration-generated diversity and collective-mindedness. Rather, the direction and strength of the relationship depend on institutional and policy contexts.Résumé. Cet article vise à nuancer les preuves existantes que la diversité croissante porte préjudice à une société civile dynamique. Nous nous concentrons particulièrement sur la diversité produite par l'immigration. Nous soutenons que même si elle peut exercer une influence négative sur quelques indices dans certains contextes, ces effets varient considérablement selon le pays examiné parmi les démocraties avancées. Notre argument repose sur l'analyse d'un ensemble de données multinational, transversal et longitudinal qui rassemble des données au niveau individuel du World Values Survey avec des variables au niveau des pays. Au moyen de ces données, nous examinons les changements survenus à l'intérieur des pays, au fil du temps, sur le plan de la confiance et de l'engagement. Nous montrons que l'immigration peut avoir un effet négatif sur la confiance sociale, l'adhésion à des organisations et l'engagement politique, mais que les arrangements institutionnels influencent cette relation de manières systématiques. Dans les sociétés plus économiquement égales et dans les pays plus multiculturels (où les minorités culturelles sont reconnues et accommodées), les effets négatifs de l'immigration sur la confiance et l'engagement sont atténués, voire inversés. Nous concluons qu'il n'y a aucun lien général entre la diversité produite par l'immigration et l'esprit collectif. La direction et la force de la relation entre les deux dépendent plutôt des politiques et des contextes institutionnels.


2011 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-200 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ken Newton ◽  
Sonja Zmerli

This article investigates the relationships between particular social trust, general social trust, and political trust and tests a variety of political, social-psychological, and social capital theories of them. This sort of research has not been carried out before because until the World Values Survey of 2005–07 there has been, to our knowledge, no comparative survey that includes measures of particular and other forms of trust. The new data challenge a common assumption that particular social trust is either harmful or of little importance in modern democracies and shows that it has strong, positive associations with other forms of trust. However, the relationships are not symmetrical and particular social trust seems to be a necessary but not sufficient cause of general social trust, and both forms of social trust appear to be necessary, but not sufficient conditions for political trust. Strong evidence of mutual associations between different forms of trust at both the individual micro level and the contextual macro level supports theories of rainmaker effects, the importance of political institutions, and the significance of social trust for political trust. In more ways than one, social trust, not least of a particular type, seems to have an important bearing on social and political stability.


2020 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-165 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xiaoni Ren ◽  
Darren John Caudle

Purpose This paper aims to explore and compare academics’ experiences of managing work-life balance (WLB) in the British and Chinese contexts. The authors have three specific purposes. Firstly, to investigate whether there are marked gender differences in either context, given female and male academics’ work is considered fully comparable. Secondly, to examine contextual factors contributing to gender differences that influence and shape decisions in WLB and career paths. Thirdly, to explore the gendered consequences and implications. Design/methodology/approach A cross-national and multilevel analytical approach to WLB was chosen to unpick and explore gender land contextual differences and their influence on individual academics’ coping strategies. To reflect the exploratory nature of uncovering individual experience and perceptions, the authors used in-depth, semi-structured interviews. In total, 37 academics participated in the study, comprised of 18 participants from 6 universities in the UK and 19 participants from 6 universities in China. Findings This study reveals gendered differences in both the British and Chinese contexts in three main aspects, namely, sourcing support; managing emotions; and making choices, but more distinct differences in the latter context. Most significantly, it highlights that individual academics’ capacity in cultivating and using coping strategies was shaped simultaneously by multi-layered factors at the country level, the HE institutional level and the individual academics’ level. Originality/value Very few cross-cultural WLB studies explore gender differences. This cross-national comparative study is of particular value in making the “invisible visible” in terms of the gendered nature of choices and decisions within the context of WLB. The study has significant implications for female academics exercising individual scope in carving out a career, and for academic managers and institutions, in terms of support, structure and policy.


2012 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-11 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Zimdars ◽  
Gindo Tampubolon

The present article contributes to the discussions of the link as between diversity and social capital levels by focusing on the process linking diversity and trust. We look at country-level policies rather than individual communities and evaluate how policies can influence the relationship between diversity and generalised trust. We analyse Eurobarometer data (2004) using multilevel analysis. We find a positive effect of diversity on trust, controlling for potentially confounding effect at the individual and country level. Furthermore, we find that the inclusiveness of national policies towards migrants matters. More inclusive policies as measured by the migrant integration policy index (Mipex) counterbalance potentially negative effects of increasing diversity. The findings show that while local place is crucial as the locus where diverse ethnic groups interact, countries remain important policy contexts influencing and framing interactions with immigrants. For Europe, there is nothing inevitable about a negative impact of increasing diversity on building cohesive, trusting societies. We conclude by locating our findings within a wider critical literature.


BJGP Open ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. bjgpopen20X101116 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Tammes

BackgroundThe UK government introduced social distancing measures between 16–22 March 2020, aiming to slow down transmission of COVID-19.AimTo explore the spreading of COVID-19 in relation to population density after the introduction of social distancing measures.Design & settingLongitudinal design with 5-weekly COVID-19 incidence rates per 100 000 people for 149 English Upper Tier Local Authorities (UTLAs), between 16 March and 19 April 2020.MethodMultivariable multilevel model to analyse weekly incidence rates per 100 000 people; time was level-1 unit and UTLA level-2 unit. Population density was divided into quartiles. The model included an interaction between week and population density. Potential confounders were percentage aged ≥65, percentage non-white British, and percentage in two highest classes of the National Statistics Socioeconomic Classification. Co-variates were male life expectancy at birth, and COVID-19 prevalence rate per 100 000 people on March 15. Confounders and co-variates were standardised around the mean.ResultsIncidence rates per 100 000 people peaked in the week of March 30–April 5, showing higher adjusted incidence rate per 100 000 people (46.2; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 40.6 to 51.8) in most densely populated ULTAs (quartile 4) than in less densely populated ULTAs (quartile 1: 33.3, 95% CI = 27.4 to 37.2; quartile 2: 35.9, 95% CI = 31.6 to 40.1). Thereafter, incidence rate dropped in the most densely populated ULTAs resulting in rate of 22.4 (95% CI = 16.9 to 28.0) in the week of April 13–19; this was lower than in quartiles 1, 2, and 3, respectively 31.4 (95% CI = 26.5 to 36.3), 34.2 (95% CI = 29.9 to 38.5), and 43.2 (95% CI = 39.0 to 47.4).ConclusionAfter the introduction of social distancing measures, the incidence rates per 100 000 people dropped stronger in most densely populated ULTAs.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 334-352
Author(s):  
Silas Xuereb ◽  
Michael J. A. Wohl ◽  
Anna Stefaniak ◽  
Frank J. Elgar

A growing body of evidence suggests that support for a strong non-democratic leader is driven, in part, by low economic development and economic inequality at the country level, and low income and interpersonal trust at the individual level. In the current research, we tested the hypothesis that although such a pattern predicts support for a strong non-democratic leader in democracies, it should produce decreased support for a strong non-democratic leader in non-democracies (where the presence of such leaders is the political status quo). Using three waves of World Values Survey data (2005-2020), as predicted, we found that in democracies, low economic development, high inequality, and low interpersonal trust predicted support for a strong non-democratic leader. However, in non-democracies, support for a strong non-democratic leader was higher in more economically developed countries and among individuals with higher social trust. These results contradict modernization theory’s proposition that development promotes support for democratic rule and suggest that economic development reinforces support for the existing political system.


Author(s):  
Anton Gollwitzer ◽  
Cameron Martel ◽  
Julia Marshall ◽  
Johanna Marie Höhs ◽  
John A. Bargh

Social distancing is currently the single most effective method to reduce the spread of COVID-19. As such, researchers across varying fields are rushing to identify variables that predict social distancing and which interventions can heighten social distancing. Yet, much of this research relies on self-report measures (in part because of social distancing guidelines themselves). In two studies we examine whether self-reported social distancing overlaps with real-world behavior. In Study 1, individuals’ self-reported social distancing predicted decreased movement as quantified by participants’ average daily step-counts (assessed via smartphone pedometers). For every increase of one in self-reported social distancing (z-scored), individuals’ daily steps decreased by approximately 21% (Exp(B) ~ .79). In Study 2, the degree of self-reported social distancing in different U.S. States predicted the degree to which people in those States reduced their overall movement and travel to non-essential retail as assessed by ~17 million smart-phone GPS coordinates (.34 < rs < .57). Collectively, our results indicate that self-report measures of social distancing track actual behavior both at the individual and at the group level.


2020 ◽  
pp. 095892872097417
Author(s):  
Hanna Bugge

This article studies how welfare conditionality affects democratic citizenship. Scholars make diverging predictions because reforms can both impair and stimulate political action. So far, evidence from the US and the UK lends support to the negative claim that conditionality leads to political withdrawal. Whereas prior studies mostly have relied on cross-sectional data, this study offers a more thorough assessment of causality by utilizing a longitudinal design. I exploit local variation for data on policy implementation. Moreover, the study contributes by addressing other issues, such as context sensitivity and policy scope. In contrast to prior work, I study democratic citizenship in a context where the stated requirements and benefits granted in return are described as enabling, and sanctions considered to be lenient. Moreover, I move beyond personal welfare experiences and include welfare recipients’ family members. The analysis indicates that programme effects on political interest and political trust depend on the extent of conditional requirements. Programme effects are mainly negative among claimants and their family members, but the negative effect diminishes and eventually turns positive when conditions extend.


2000 ◽  
Vol 151 (8) ◽  
pp. 290-297
Author(s):  
Stephan Hatt

The expansion of the traffic network, in particular the construction of highways, has continuously diminished and divided into small sections the habitat of wild-living animals during the last decades. However, these negative effects can be minimised if suitable measures with regard to line-conduction and construction are taken against. One of these possibilities are the sown-down overbridges. It is essential that these constructions are planned and built in order to meet the requirements of their future users – the various wild-living animals. This study investigates the success of one of these sown-down overbridges. It is this the Loterbuck-overbridge on the A 4.2.9 near Henggart in the canton of Zurich, Switzerland. The focus of this investigation was to find out which species of wild-living animals use the bridge and how much it is frequented. Local people and specialists of the region were interviewed and tracks were picked up on site. Taking into consideration five criteria (species of wild-living animals, positioning and number of overbridges nearby, dimensioning and design of the individual overbridges), the interviews and tracks were assessed. The Loterbuck-overbridge is used by all larger wild-living animals of the region. Especially the browsing and rubbing tracks of deer show that the overbridge has been accepted not only as sown-down overbridge but also as habitat.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document