scholarly journals Populism and Protest

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nancy J. Hirschmann

The essay considers populism in the present moment in relation to Black Lives Matter as a popular protest movement. Popular protest movements demand that government change; populism in the present moment seeks to act extra-governmentally, and to this end relies on violence in the face of peace protest movement. This violence demonstrates the white patriarchalism of contemporary populism. I argue that peaceful, popular protest is an important tool to resist white patriarchal populist authoritarianism.

1999 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 423-444 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Stoyle

In May 1648 a group of Cornishmen who had rebelled against Parliament in the name of Charles I met with comprehensive defeat at “the Gear,” near Helford, and were then pursued back across the Lizard peninsula to the seacoast beyond. Surrender seemed inevitable, yet a number of the fugitives refused to submit. Instead they “joyned hand-in-hand” and hurled themselves bodily into the water: “a desperate expedient on that rocky coast,” as one later writer remarked. What can have driven them to such despair? No convincing answer can be given by looking at the events of 1648 alone. The rebels' despairing plunge can be understood only if it is seen as the final act in a long-running drama, a story of repeated popular protest in West Cornwall that spanned over 150 years. It is a story that has gone largely unrecognized by previous historians, most of whom have portrayed the Cornish revolts of 1497, 1548, 1549, 1642, and 1648 as isolated events rather than as part of a continuum. Yet it is a story that deserves to be told, not only because it provides a dramatic new explanation for many of the most important rebellions of the Tudor and Stuart periods, but also because it serves as an enduring monument to a forgotten people and their struggle to preserve a separate identity for themselves in the face of overwhelming odds.A fierce sense of distinctiveness has always characterized the inhabitants of Cornwall.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Janani Umamaheswar

The “Black Lives Matter” movement, centered on fighting racial injustice and inequality (particularly in the criminal justice system), has garnered a great deal of media attention in recent years. Given the relatively recent emergence of the movement, there exists very little scholarly research on media portrayals of the movement. In this article, I report findings from a qualitative examination of major newspaper portrayals of the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement between April and August 2016, before the particularly divisive 2016 presidential election. Inductive textual analyses of 131 newspaper articles indicate that, although the movement’s goals were represented positively and from the perspective of members of the movement, the newspapers politicized and sensationalized the movement, and they focused far more on supposed negative consequences of the movement. I discuss these findings by drawing on the “protest paradigm” and the “public nuisance paradigm” in media coverage of social protest movements, arguing that the latter is particularly useful for interpreting portrayals of Black Lives Matter in the prevailing US political climate.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2021 (1) ◽  
pp. 16439
Author(s):  
Patrick Tinguely ◽  
Yash Raj Shrestha ◽  
Georg von Krogh

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 362-382
Author(s):  
Jonathan Clifton ◽  
Patrice de la Broise

Contemporary protest movements are skeptical of mainstream media outlets, and so to communicate, they make extensive use of social media such as YouTube, Instagram and Twitter. Most research to date has considered how protest movements, as preexistent entities, use such social media to communicate with stakeholders, but little, if any research, has considered how a protest movement is constituted in and through communication. Using the Montreal School’s ventriloquial approach to communication and using YouTube video footage of the gilets jaunes – a contemporary French protest movement – in action, the purpose of this article is to explicate how a protest movement that resists the state’s authority is constituted in and through a textual artifact (a video clip on YouTube). Findings indicate that the protest movement is not only discursively constructed through the commentary that accompanies the video, but it is also constituted by non-human actants such as space, buildings and clothing. The protest movement mobilizes networks of human and non-human actants that invoke a moral authority that resists legally authorized state-sponsored networks which are also made up of human and non-human actants.


2019 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 8-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alcinda Manuel Honwana

Abstract:The majority of young people in Africa are today living in “waithood,” a prolonged, difficult, and dynamic transition into adult life. This experience is shared with an increasing number of young people in the developed North who are also grappling with issues of joblessness and political exclusion. This waithood generation is increasingly losing faith in the ability of its leaders to address young people’s needs and expectations, and it is rebelling against the status quo. From the youth uprisings that led to the Arab Spring and the ousting of Abdoulaye Wade in Senegal and Campaore in Burkina Faso, to political protest movements such as Occupy Wall Street and Black Lives Matter in the U.S. and Los Indignados in Spain, young people have been at the forefront of political change. However, they have not yet been able to effect systemic change. While profound social transformation takes time, this generation is still wrestling with how to move beyond street protest and have a lasting impact on politics and governance.


Rural History ◽  
1997 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Iain Robertson

This paper seeks to explore the relationship between agencies of government and crofting tenantry in the Highlands of Scotland, as manifested in events of popular protest after 1914. These events seem to have received little attention when compared to disturbance of earlier periods, which have been extensively documented, and the period after 1918 in particular has been under represented in the literature. Furthermore the actions of agencies of government were significantly different in this later period. Where before the Great War government actions were wholly reactive, this paper will demonstrate that during the war and after, the Board of Agriculture made significant attempts to be proactive in the face of incipient protest. Yet, conflict, and the resultant acts of protest, continued to be a characteristic element of social relations in the Highlands in the post-war period. This paper seeks to show that whilst the actions of the land-working population were of central significance, this conflict was not solely between the tenantry and landowners or agencies of government but was also within those various groupings. Consequently, it is argued that protest attests to a complex nexus of conflict on both regional and national levels.


2015 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julien Morency-Laflamme ◽  
Anja Brunner

This article seeks to analyse why mass protests during the Arab Spring of 2010 did not always result in the toppling of authoritarian leaders and why in some cases it actually led to the reinforcement of certain authoritarian regimes. In attempting to understand this puzzle, most scholars have concentrated on the impact of populist movements but have overlooked the importance of the incumbent regime’s divisions and the character of its relationship with opposition forces. Drawing on O’Donnell and Schmitter’s theory on transitions “from above”, this research demonstrates that authoritarian responses to mass protests were conditioned by the existence of divisions within the ruling circle itself. We argue that the only transitions to culminate in the establishment of an electoral democracy were those in which mass protests succeeded in provoking rifts between softliners and hardliners within the authoritarian elites and in which pro-reform forces subsequently negotiated new rules of governance with opposition forces. We also distinguish between latent crisis, when tensions within the regime exist but are contained, and overt crisis, when the unity of the ruling bloc is broken. We demonstrate our hypothesis by comparing events in Bahrain and in Egypt, two cases that led to very different political patterns and outcomes following the emergence of popular protest movements. In the case of Egypt, softliners managed to get the upper hand and Mubarak’s National Democratic Party was toppled, while in Bahrain the monarchy could count on the support of a majority of the ruling class that was largely opposed to political liberalization and ready to quell the opposition coalition.


2019 ◽  
Vol 71 (281) ◽  
pp. 4
Author(s):  
João Batista Libanio

O diálogo entre teologia e ciência se dá no nível da episteme própria de cada uma delas e no da vida pessoal do cientista e do teólogo. O embate de teologia e ciência acontece de longa data, mas compreendido de maneiras diferentes. Santo Tomás põe com clareza o problema da relação entre fé e razão e, concomitantemente, entre teologia e ciência. A modernidade trouxe virada importante em tal relação. Passou-se de uma teologia que pensava tudo saber, para uma ciência com a pretensão de dominar todo o real. Mais: avançou-se para o mundo da prática com o desenvolvimento da tecnologia com idêntica reivindicação de tudo poder fazer. Em face da ciência que tudo sabe e da tecnologia que tudo pode a teologia tem palavra a dizer a partir de sua fonte: a revelação. O diálogo torna-se mais viável no momento atual diante de uma ciência e de uma tecnologia que começam a perceber os próprios limites. E todas elas – teologia, ciência e tecnologia – conscientes de suas insuficiências, mas também de suas possibilidades, têm amplo campo de mútuo questionamento e enriquecimento.Abstract: The dialogue between theology and science happens at the level of the appropriate episteme of each one of them and in the personal life of the scientist and of the theologian. The battle between theology and science has been happening for a long time but has different interpretations. Saint Thomas explains clearly the problem of the relationship between faith and reason and concomitantly between theology and science. Modernity brought an important turn about in that relationship. We went from a theology that thought it knew everything to a science that had the pretention to control reality. And more: we advanced towards the world of practice with the development of technology that had a similar claim of being able to do everything. In the face of the science that knows all and of the technology that can do all, theology has a word to say from its source: the revelation. The dialogue becomes more viable at the present moment with a science and a technology that begin to perceive their own limits. And all of them – theology, science and technology – are aware of their insufficiencies but also aware of their possibilities and have a broad area for mutual questioning and improvement.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 108 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rebecca Schneider ◽  
Lucia Ruprecht

The following conversation aims to trace the role of gesture and gestural thinking in Rebecca Schneider�s work, and to tease out the specific gestural ethics which arises in her writings. In particular, Schneider thinks about the politics of citation and reiteration for an ethics of call and response that emerges in the gesture of the hail. Both predicated upon a fundamentally ethical relationality and susceptible to ideological investment, the hail epitomises the operations of the �both/and��a logic of conjunction that structures and punctuates the history of thinking on gesture from the classic Brechtian tactic in which performance both replays and counters conditions of subjugation to Alexander Weheliye�s reclamation of this tactic for black and critical ethnic studies. The gesture of the hail will lead us, then, to the gesture of protest in the Black Lives Matter movement. The hands that are held up in the air both replay (and respond to) the standard pose of surrender in the face of police authority and call for a future that might be different. Schneider�s ethics of response-ability thus rethinks relationality as something that always already anticipates and perpetually reinaugurates possibilities for response.


2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-200
Author(s):  
Chloe Haimson

Drawing from ethnographic research, this study examines how interactions between protesters and police unfold at Black Lives Matter demonstrations in two cities with distinct policing regimes. From an analysis of contentious moments during these local movement protests, I argue that protesters in both cities consciously resist the terms of engagement set by police in an effort to demonstrate their overarching opposition to police violence and racism, and to illustrate that communities can police themselves while also seeking to avoid arrest or police violence. I call this protesters’ “interactional resistance” This type of resistance is predicated on protesters pushing the boundaries of the rules of engagement with the police while using their structural knowledge of the situation and likely police responses. Interactional resistance bolsters claims by local Black Lives Matters protest movements that communities can be self-policing. In contrast with prior research on policing of protests, a focus on interactional resistance emphasizes the actions and decisions of protesters, not just the police. It also shows how protesters manage to enact resistance even when they are trying to avoid arrest. Further, I also show that police responses to the same level of transgression vary depending on the local police-control norms practiced in a specific place. Overall, these microinteractions both point to and shape the structures of repression.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document