scholarly journals Pakistan – nierównowaga kontroli między establishmentem militarno-wywiadowczym a cywilnym i fasadowa demokratyzacja

2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (55) ◽  
pp. 381-395
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Nitza-Makowska

After two democratic transitions of power in 2013 and 2018, Pakistan remains a hybrid regime. The military-security establishment continues to control key policies in the country. The causes of this imbalance of control are (i) the lack of capable political elites, (ii)an unofficial alliance between military-security establishment and religious organisations, (iii)external threats. On the one hand, these threats result from geopolitics that doesnot depend on Islamabad; on the other hand, they are escalated by the military-securityestablishment to legitimise its dominant position.

Author(s):  
Т.К. САЛБИЕВ

В статье предлагается добавить к двум традиционно выделяемым этапам истори- ческого развития Нартиады еще один третий, предполагая, что наряду с родоплеменным и военно-демократическим в своей эволюции она проходит еще и через феодальный этап. С общефольклорной точки зрения они будут соответствовать трем следующим фазам: разрозненные сказания; циклы, образуемые вокруг главных героев; гиперциклизация / це- лостная эпопея. В результате получают иную интерпретацию не только сюжеты и мо- тивы эпопеи, представленные в ней персонажи, но и ее общее содержание, а также в ином свете предстает ее прагматика, то есть место и роль в традиционной культуре в целом. Основой для пересмотра общепринятой точки зрения является пока еще в полной мере не оцененное сообщение «Хронографа» (груз. «Жамтаагмцерели») – «Столетней летопи- си» XIV в. Содержащееся в памятнике отождествление аланской правящей династии с эпическим воинским родом Ахсартаггата позволяет рассматривать Нартиаду как своего рода «Книгу царей». Эпической фигурой, совместившей в своем образе мифологического и исторического царя, следует считать нарта Челахсартага. С одной стороны в его имени распознается связь с родоначальником воинского рода Ахсартага, представляющего мифо- логическую эпоху. С другой стороны, он носит титул исторического средневекового прави- теля Ас-Тархана. Благодаря имени его дочери (Бедуха), которое может рассматриваться как просторечный вариант имени Бурдухан, он может быть отождествлен с аланским царем XII в. Худданом. Сама эпопея в этом случае могла бы рассматриваться как средство легитимизации аланской правящей, то есть исторической, династии на власть. Участие царской династии в событиях эпопеи обеспечивало ей преемственную связь с мифологи- ческой эпохой, что и давало ей необходимое идеологическое обоснование господствующего положения в обществе. The article advances a proposition to add a third feudal stage to the two traditionally distinguished stages of the historical development of the Narts’ epic, suggesting that alongside with the tribal and military-democratic stages of its evolution it goes through the feudal one as well. From a point of view of general folklore, these will correspond to the following three phases: scattered legends – cycles formed around the main characters – hypercyclization / complete epics. As a result, not only the plots and motifs of the epic, the characters represented in it, but also its general content are reconsidered, its pragmatics, i. e., its place and role in traditional culture as a whole are seen in a different light. The basis for the review of the generally accepted theory is a passage from the so-called “Chronograph” (Georgian “Zhamtaagmcereli”), or the “Hundred Year Anniversary” of the XIV century. The identification of the Alanian ruling dynasty with the epic military lineage of Axsærtæggatæ the mentioned work contains makes it possible to consider the Nart epic as a kind of “Book of Kings”. From this point of view, Nart Čelæxsærtæg should be regarded as a hero, in whose image the traits of mythological and historical kin are interwoven. On the one hand, his name recognizes the link with the ancestor of the military family Axsærtæg, representing the mythological era. On the other hand, he holds the title of the historical medieval ruler As-Tarxan. Thanks to the name of his daughter (Bedukha), which can be considered as a vernacular version of the name Burdukhan, he can be identified as Khuddan, the Alanian king of the XIIth c. In this case, the epic itself could be considered as a means of legitimizing the Alan ruling, that is, historical dynasty of power, which thus provided its continuity with the mythological epoch, giving it the necessary ideological basis for the dominant position in the society.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2019, 21/4 (Volume 2019/issue 21/4) ◽  
pp. 75-94
Author(s):  
MARJAN HORVAT

The main theme of the paper is the Concept of Military Leadership in the Slovenian Armed Forces, which currently represents the highest substantive and guiding normative act in the field of military leadership in the Slovenian Armed Forces (hereinafter referred to as the SAF). Due to the enormous importance of this field in working with people and the aim of influencing the change of the concept, the paper analysed and compared the concepts of military leadership in other selected armed forces and looked for similarities and divergences, especially in two segments - substantive and normative. On the one hand, we have shown the substantive obsolescence and inadequate normative rank of the Concept of Military Leadership in the Slovenian Armed Forces and, on the other hand, the necessity of substantive updating with concrete proposals and arguments for the development of the Doctrine of Military Leadership in the SAF. Key words Leadership, armed forces, Concept of Military Leadership in the SAF


2014 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 30-49 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Bourgel

This article discusses two characteristics of the Jewish-Christian source inRecognitions1.27–71, namely its fierce opposition to sacrifices and its emphasis on the historical ties between the Jews and the land of Judea. There is reason to think that this document expresses the reaction of Jewish-Christians of Judaea to the disaster of the Bar-Kokhba uprising. On the one hand, they considered the military defeat and its consequences as a divine punishment for the rebels’ attempt to renew the sacrificial cult; and, on the other hand, they fought the paganisation of Judea by defending the historical right of the Jews to possess this land.


2021 ◽  
Vol 69 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-82
Author(s):  
Tatjana Katic

The Islamisation of the population of two neighbouring regions south of Prizren, Gora and Opolje, occurred in varying degrees during the centuries-long rule of the Ottoman Empire in the Balkans. In Gora, inhabited by the Slavic population, it was extremely slow, while in Opolje, inhabited by the Albanians, it was incomparably more intensive. This paper aims to elucidate, based on the analysis of the Ottoman 15th and 16th century cadastral registers, the factors that affected the rate of conversion to Islam among the inhabitants of these two former Serbian medieval counties (zupas), later Ottoman nahiyes. Among the most important are the highly developed church organisation in the region of Gora on the one hand, and on the other hand, the proximity of Prizren, the military and administrative centre of the Prizren Sanjak in which high ranking officials of Opolje origin operated.


2020 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 289-300
Author(s):  
Efrosini Camatsos

This article examines the different editions of Dido Sotiriou's first novel Οι νɛκροί πɛριμένουν, whose first edition was published in 1959 and the definitive edition, one hundred pages shorter, in 1971, when the military junta ruled Greece and strict censorship was being exercised. The first edition depicts details of the resistance movement against the Axis powers, whereas this has been cut from the definitive edition, which ends just as Greece enters the war against Italy. It will be argued that the revisions, on the one hand, address criticisms of the first edition, in an attempt to improve the novel. On the other hand, the omission of descriptions of resistance against a tyrant (something the colonels resented, for fear of comparisons being drawn to their regime) and the shifting depiction of identities of two main characters, from one that is stable (1959 edition) to one that is subtly performative (1971 edition), also inform discussions of censorship and identity during the years of the military regime.


1992 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 119-194 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rhoda Rabkin

The Literature on democratic transitions suggests two opposite sorts of dangers that the successful democratizer must avoid: too much uncertainty on the one hand, and too little on the other. The first can lead to conflict, violence, and abortive transitions (Karl and Schmitter, 199D; while the second means there is no democracy at all, but leads to something less which has been variously called: "tutelary democracy," "electoralism," or "democradura."Before the government of Patricio Aylwin took office in Chile in March 1990, most observers anticipated that the return to democracy would bring considerable social conflict and political instability. Expressing a widely held view, one expert wrote: "Any return to democracy in Chile would entail vocal demands, from a variety of social groups and movements, to reverse the policies instituted by the regime since 1973" (Loveman 1986-87:29). The need to confront human rights abuses during the military government was another potentially explosive political issue.


Author(s):  
D. I. Yefremov

The article establishes the relationship between the interests of the Ukrainian establishment and the foreign policy vector of Kyiv. The author identified the main actors who determined the specifics of the transformation of the strategic course of Ukraine. On the one hand, the author revealed the critical problems of European integration and on the other hand, the improvement/ degradation of relations with the Russian Federation. The author evaluated the strategic doctrines used by the Ukrainian elite and analysed main changes in the approaches of the Ukrainian establishment. This article considers the reaction of Russian and Ukrainian political elites to the correction of the foreign policy imperatives of the Russian Federation and Ukraine, respectively. Also, the author, using the theory of the “heavy” and “light” fractions of Ukrainian political elites as an example, identifies specific features of the correlation between the replacement/renewal of key elite groups and the adaptation of the strategic vector, including a qualitative rethinking of the approaches inherent in the replaced establishment. On the other hand, the author compared between the declared positions/slogans and specific doctrines/concepts, initiated, for example, by individual actors of the political elite. The author analyses the main reasons for the soft dismantling of the so-called multi-vector diplomacy in favour of the Euro-Atlantic course. Also, in the article, concerning the realities of Ukraine, the influence of the political model of “shapeless pluralism” of hybrid regimes on the transformation of the foreign policy’ agenda.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 346-349
Author(s):  
Benoni Sfârlog ◽  
Ionuț Cucoș ◽  
Robert Stănciulescu

AbstractThe evolutions in the theaters of operations have highlighted in the last decades a profound change of the realities in the sense of the increasingly obvious contouring of an enemy whose characteristics are specific to the social networking. Since the classic ways of action are inefficient under these circumstances, it became necessary to investigate and explain the new realities. In this context, military leadership acquires certain particularities that concern, on the one hand its essential foundations and, on the other hand, the actual ways they display at all hierarchical levels.


1988 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Wolfgang S. Freund

SummaryThe present essay questions the idea generally admitted that „music” could be, under all circumstances, an universal language likely to pull down ideological borders and prejudices between people and civilizations. For his argument, the author takes advantage of the opposition prevailing between european and middle-eastern music on the one hand, pointing out on the other hand the importance of different kinds of music such as classical music, light music, music for publicity, as well as military music. The military music is understood in terms of an epistemological code for different artistico-cultural articulations, specific to highly industrialized countries. In conclusion, the author is forwarding substantial doubts as to understanding music as language without borders, insisting on its socio-cultural, and therefore regional profiles.


Author(s):  
Andreas Pangritz

This chapter examines Bonhoeffer’s attitude towards Jews and some of the secondary scholarship and debates on this topic. It gives particular attention to the ambiguous status of Bonhoeffer’s 1933 essay ‘The Church and the Jewish Question’ (DBWE 12: 361–70). On the one hand, Bonhoeffer calls for solidarity with Jews in the context of Nazi Germany. On the other hand, he still operates within a Lutheran theological framework, one with anti-Judaic features. The Kristallnacht pogrom of 1938 led Bonhoeffer to revise this earlier framework, and also to join the military conspiracy against Hitler. In particular, this revision becomes apparent in his Ethics, in which Bonhoeffer talks of ‘a genuine, unceasing encounter’ between Christians and Jews, as well as suggesting that ‘the Jew(s) keep open the question of Christ’ (DBWE 6: 105). Finally, in some passages of his prison letters he senses that the fate of the Jews in Europe requires an even more radical revision of Christology and theology.


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