scholarly journals From Love Jihad to Grooming Gangs: Tracing Flows of the Hypersexual Muslim Male through Far-Right Female Influencers

Religions ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (12) ◽  
pp. 1083
Author(s):  
Eviane Leidig

This article traces the transnational flows of constructions of the hypersexualized Muslim male through a comparative analysis of love jihad in India and the specter of grooming gangs in the UK. While the former is conceived as an act of seduction and conversion, and the latter through violent rape imaginaries, foregrounding both of these narratives are sexual, gender, and family dynamics that are integral to the fear of demographic change. Building upon these narratives, this study analyzes how influential women in Hindu nationalist and European/North American far-right milieus circulate images, videos, and discourses on social media that depict Muslim men as predatory and violent, targeting Hindu and white girls, respectively. By positioning themselves as the daughters, wives, and mothers of the nation, these far-right female influencers invoke a sense of reproductive urgency, as well as advance claims of the perceived threat of, and safety from, hypersexualized Muslim men. This article illustrates how local ideological narratives of Muslim sexuality are embedded into global Islamophobic tropes of gendered nationalist imaginaries.

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Davidson ◽  
Mabel Berezin

Social movement scholars have recently turned their attention to the interactions between political parties and social movements, but little is known about how social media have impacted these relationships, despite widespread adoption of these technologies. We present a case study of the relationship between Britain First, a far-right anti-Muslim social movement, and the U.K. Independence Party, the Eurosceptic political party that spearheaded the Brexit campaign. The movement appeared marginal in the press but it dominated social media, and used this presence to support to the party. We examine the dynamics of the relationship between these groups from 2013 until 2017, drawing upon data from social media, newspapers, and other online sources, and focusing both interactions on between elites and rank-and-file supporters. Our findings illustrate how far-right groups have used new technologies to generate an unprecedented amount of popular support and to attempt to influence the political mainstream.


2015 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-99 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dennis C. Grube

The reach of social media is prodigious. Its ubiquitous nature has reshaped the ways in which government agencies can communicate with citizens. But amidst the rush to embrace the opportunities of Twitter, Facebook and other platforms, governments have had to lay down rules to govern how and when public service departments should use social media. This article undertakes a comparative analysis of the formal rules and guidelines in place across four Westminster jurisdictions – Australia, New Zealand, Canada and the UK – to identify the types of behaviours and activities that are seen as desirable when public servants are reaching out to the wider public through social media. The article argues that the horizontal communication patterns associated with social media are fundamentally at odds with the hierarchical structures of the Westminster system of government.


Author(s):  
Alice Sibley

The English Defence League (EDL) is a British far-right/counter-jihad group, which mostly operates online through social media. In 2012, 3% of the British public (n = 298) reported that they agreed with the EDL’s methods and values. A study in 2011 found the three main reasons for supporting the EDL were: a perceived threat from Islam and immigration; to protect their cultural identity; and disillusionment with their lives and the political ruling class. In addition to this, variables that make individuals vulnerable to EDL recruitment may include a lack of differentiation between Muslims and terrorists, a belief in conspiracy theories, sudden localized cultural change, a lack of belonging, a perceived threat to British values, a lack of identification with political parties, economic hardship, age, and gender.


2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 485-510 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Davidson ◽  
Mabel Berezin

Social movement scholars have recently turned their attention to the interactions between political parties and social movements, but little is known about how social media have impacted these relationships, despite widespread adoption of these technologies. We present a case study of the relationship between Britain First, a far-right anti-Muslim social movement, and the U.K. Independence Party, the Eurosceptic political party that spearheaded the Brexit campaign. The movement appeared marginal in the press but it dominated social media, using this presence to support to the party. We examine the dynamics of the relationship between these groups from 2013 until 2017, drawing upon data from social media, newspapers, and other online sources, and focusing on interactions between elites and rank-and-file supporters. Our findings illustrate how far-right groups have used new technologies to generate an unprecedented amount of popular support and to attempt to influence the political mainstream.


Proceedings ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 77 (1) ◽  
pp. 6
Author(s):  
Alberto Montrond

In the field of counter-terrorism (CT) and countering violent extremism (CVE), policymakers are in constant need of accurate data to make informed decisions to support existing programs and develop new approaches to prevent radicalization to violence. The goal of the comparative analysis in this presentation is to identify the types of data needed to assess the impact of CT and CVE programs based on each country’s policy goals. A comparative analysis of the five countries’ specific CT/CVE policies was conducted to identify common themes and data needs. The first most widely discussed theme is the need to maintain and expand collaborations and information sharing across countries—all five policies strongly emphasize the importance of such collaborative efforts. All policies address the need for strengthening collaborations at the local level, considering the important role civil society plays in the frontline response to violent extremism. In particular, the North Macedonian policy recognizes the need to fully engage in multidisciplinary interagency efforts that include civil society in the process for reconciliation of ethnic and cultural divides, educate and promote democratic values in schools and faith based communities. According to the policy documents, it can be found that there is a need for a better understanding of what types of collaborative efforts and partnerships are needed to establish effective CT and CVE programs. All policies stress the need to address a range of extremist ideologies including Jihadist, Far Left, and Far Right groups to address radicalization in the online space as well as through in-person interventions. In terms of interventions, there is a need to understand what type of training is most effective to equip frontline professionals with the knowledge and skills to intervene when individuals engaged in VE come to their attention. The United States policy is innovative with respect to the others because it introduces the concept of targeted violence. By doing so, it recognizes the importance of including situations where ideology is not a motivating factor or the motivations are unknown behind the acts of violence. The Swedish policy is distinguished by its detailed legislation supporting the prevention of terrorist acts. The UK policy emphasizes the need to contrast ideologies and views that are not aligned with UK values. All policies recognize the need for evidence on strategic efficacy and recognize the fact that programs and policies have been widely implemented without scientific proof of their effectiveness. In particular, the Canadian policy points to the need for identifying best practices that can be transferred from case to case or country to country. As an area of policy improvement across countries, there is certainly a lack of clarity on the roles and responsibilities of the many agencies that may be potentially involved in prevention efforts, still leaving a nebulous space in terms of when and how security intercepts social work and public health.


Race & Class ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 61 (3) ◽  
pp. 3-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ella Cockbain ◽  
Waqas Tufail

‘Muslim grooming gangs’ have become a defining feature of media, political and public debate around child sexual exploitation in the UK. The dominant narrative that has emerged to explain a series of horrific cases is misleading, sensationalist and has in itself promoted a number of harms. This article examines how racist framings of ‘Muslim grooming gangs’ exist not only in extremist, far-right fringes but in mainstream, liberal discourses too. The involvement of supposedly feminist and liberal actors and the promotion of pseudoscientific ‘research’ have lent a veneer of legitimacy to essentialist, Orientalist stereotypes of Muslim men, the demonisation of whole communities and demands for collective responsibility. These developments are situated in the broader socio-political context, including the far Right’s weaponisation of women’s rights, the ‘Islamophobia industry’ and a long history of racialising crime. We propose alternative ways of understanding and responding to child sexual exploitation/abuse. We contend that genuinely anti-racist feminist approaches can help in centring victims/survivors and their needs and in tackling serious sexual violence without demonising entire communities.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. e000942
Author(s):  
Oliver G P Lawton ◽  
Sarah A Lawton ◽  
Lisa Dikomitis ◽  
Joanne Protheroe ◽  
Joanne Smith ◽  
...  

COVID-19 has significantly impacted young people’s lives yet little is known about the COVID-19 related sources of information they access. We performed a cross-sectional survey of pupils (11–16 years) in North Staffordshire, UK. 408 (23%) pupils responded to an online survey emailed to them by their school. Descriptive statistics were used to summarise the data. Social media, accessed by 68%, played a significant role in the provision of information, despite it not being considered trustworthy. 89% felt that COVID-19 had negatively affected their education. Gaps in the provision of information on COVID-19 have been identified.


2020 ◽  
pp. injuryprev-2020-043909
Author(s):  
Laura Elizabeth Cowley ◽  
C Verity Bennett ◽  
Isabelle Brown ◽  
Alan Emond ◽  
Alison Mary Kemp

ObjectivesSafeTea is a multifaceted intervention delivered by community practitioners to prevent hot drink scalds to young children and improve parents’ knowledge of appropriate burn first aid. We adapted SafeTea for a national multimedia campaign, and present a mixed-methods process evaluation of the campaign.MethodsWe used social media, a website hosting downloadable materials and media publicity to disseminate key messages to parents/caregivers of young children and professionals working with these families across the UK. The SafeTea campaign was launched on National Burns Awareness Day (NBAD), October 2019, and ran for 3 months. Process evaluation measurements included social media metrics, Google Analytics, and quantitative and qualitative results from a survey of professionals who requested hard copies of the materials via the website.ResultsFindings were summarised under four themes: ‘reach’, ‘engagement’, ‘acceptability’ and ‘impact/behavioural change’. The launch on NBAD generated widespread publicity. The campaign reached a greater number of the target audience than anticipated, with over 400 000 views of the SafeTea educational videos. Parents and professionals engaged with SafeTea and expressed positive opinions of the campaign and materials. SafeTea encouraged parents to consider how to change their behaviours to minimise the risks associated with hot drinks. Reach and engagement steadily declined after the first month due to reduced publicity and social media promotion.ConclusionThe SafeTea campaign was successful in terms of reach and engagement. The launch on NBAD was essential for generating media interest. Future campaigns could be shorter, with more funding for additional social media content and promotion.


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