scholarly journals Adamo Mickiewicziaus įsavinimas tarpukario Lietuvos mokykloje: Mykolo Biržiškos indėlis

2020 ◽  
pp. 249-276
Author(s):  
Viktorija Šeina

CLAIMING ADAM MICKIEWICZ AS THEIR OWN IN INTER-WAR LITHUANIAN SCHOOLS: MYKOLAS BIRŽIŠKA’S CONTRIBUTION The society of the first Republic of Lithuania was not homogenous in its national and cultural self-perception. Although most intellectuals associated national culture exclusively with the cultural heritage of ethnic Lithuanians and Lithuanian-language writing, a part of the Lithuanian society’s elite opposed the ethno-linguistic approach to Lithuanian culture. One of the most prominent opponents of cultural ethno-nationalism in the first half of the 20th century was the literary historian Mykolas Biržiška. As the basis of national literature, he considered the society of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (and that of the first half of the 19th century) to be more important than language and therefore, he developed a multilanguage conception of Lithuanian literature as an alternative to the ethno-linguistic one. At the center of the canon of national literature, as formed by Biržiška, is the work of the world-famous poet Adam Mickiewicz. Realizing that in order to spread the concept of national literature to the public, it was necessary to first introduce it into schools. Biržiška made an effort to develop the national curriculum for Lithuanian literature according to the model of the history of Lithuanian literature that he created. To this end, he participated in the preparation of the curriculum for Lithuanian literature and made efforts to ensure Mickiewicz’s canonical position there. Biržiška also produced methodological material for schools (including selected works of Mickiewicz).

2017 ◽  
Vol 41 ◽  
pp. 156-174
Author(s):  
Dangiras Mačiulis

The images of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Union of the Kingdom of Poland in Lithuanian collective memory (end of the 19th c. – 1940)Since the end of the 19th century the Lithuanian national movement created several narrations about national history, which presented a negative evaluation of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Union of the Kingdom of Poland. Polonization of Lithuania was highlighted as the most negative consequence of these Unions.All unions formed under the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Union of the Kingdom of Poland got negative evaluation in the discourse of Lithuanian nationalism. However, the Union of Lublin was considered to be the greatest harm – it was evaluated as a fatal moment in the Lithuanian history giving rise to the processes of dangerous Lithuanian national ethnic identity loss. The Lithuanian national movement proclaimed cultural and political independence, and declared that the revival of historical ideal of the Unions’ national identity was unacceptable for the Lithuanian nation.When discussing the Lithuanians’ rights to political independence with the Polish public figures and reacting to ambitions of the Polish political figures to restore Poland with the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth national borders of 1772, in the Lithuanian press the image of two Unions (usually, the Union of Lublin) was presented as the symbol underlying the Lithuanian national political and cultural dependence. The image of the Union of Lublin was like an obligatory illustration of the Lithuanian nationalism discourse underlining the negative consequences of the union for the Lithuanian nation. It was the Union of Lublin that became the generalized image of all unions and the symbol of Lithuanian political, ethnic, cultural dependence, the memory location underlying the traumatic memory.The initiatives of the Polish public figures to actualize the memories about the unions caused the Lithuanians’ negative response and numerous discussions. A similar situation happened in 1913 when the Polish society mentioned the 500th anniversary of the Herald Union. The celebration of this anniversary was evaluated by Lithuanians as a Polish attempt to revive the political union ideal – as an attempt to make Lithuania a part of Poland. The debates of those times were used by the public figures of the Lithuanian national movement in order to emphasize the orientation of the Lithuanian national movement towards the cultural and political emancipation and underline that the Lithuanians do not accept any idea of state revival reasoned by historical unions.The image of unions in the interwar Lithuania of the 20th century was the most vivid in propagandist discourse during the fights for Lithuanian independence and when trying to restore the historical capital, Vilnius. This image was used as a rhetoric figure of propagandist discourse symbolizing the Lithuanian slavery and a threat of its dependence on Poland.  Obrazy unii między Wielkim Księstwem Litewskim a Królestwem Polskim w litewskiej pamięci zbiorowej (koniec XIX w. – 1940 r.)Od końca XIX w. litewski ruch narodowy tworzył narracje historyczne, w których unie między Wielkim Księstwem Litewskim (dalej WKL) a Królestwem Polskim oceniano negatywnie. Za największy negatywny skutek unii uznano polonizację Litwy.W litewskim dyskursie nacjonalistycznym negatywnie oceniono wszystkie unie zawarte między WKL a Królestwem Polskim, jednak jako największe zło traktowano unię lubelską – decydujący punkt w historii Litwy, od którego rozpoczął się groźny proces utraty tożsamości przez naród litewski. Litewski ruch narodowy głosił dążenie do wolności kulturowej i politycznej. Towarzyszyła temu deklaracja, że dla narodu litewskiego nie do przyjęcia jest odrodzenie historycznej unijnej idei państwowości.W toczącej się w prasie litewskiej dyskusji z polskimi działaczami społecznymi o prawach Litwinów do samodzielności politycznej oraz w reakcji na ambicje polskich działaczy społecznych przywrócenia państwowości Polski w granicach Rzeczpospolitej Obojga Narodów z 1772 r., obraz unii (najczęściej lubelskiej) pojawiał się jako symbol zależności politycznej i kulturowej narodu litewskiego. Wizja unii lubelskiej była obowiązkową ilustracją litewskiego dyskursu nacjonalistycznego, świadczącą o negatywnych skutkach unii dla Litwinów. To właśnie unia lubelska stała się uogólnionym obrazem wszystkich unii oraz symbolem niewoli politycznej, narodowej i kulturowej Litwinów, traumatycznym miejscem pamięci.Inicjatywy polskich działaczy, by przywrócić pamięć o uniach, wywoływały negatywną reakcję ze strony Litwinów i rodziły dyskusje. Tak się stało, na przykład, w 1913 r., gdy polskie społeczeństwo obchodziło jubileusz 500. rocznicy unii horodelskiej. Obchody te oceniono jako próbę Polaków ożywienia idei unii politycznej – dążenie do uczynienia z Litwy części Polski. Ówczesne dyskusje działacze litewskiego ruchu narodowego wykorzystali do tego, by podkreślić swoje dążenie do emancypacji kulturowej i politycznej oraz zaznaczenia, że Litwini nie akceptują żadnej idei odrodzenia państwowości, opartej na uniach historycznych.W okresie międzywojennym na Litwie obraz unii najbardziej był dostrzegalny w dyskursie propagandowym w okresie walk o niepodległość Litwy oraz w dążeniu do odzyskania historycznej stolicy Wilna. Obraz ten wykorzystano jako figurę retoryczną dyskursu propagandowego, symbolizującą niewolę Litwy i jej uzależnienie od Polski.


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-127
Author(s):  
Leah Bornstein-Makovetsky

This article discusses the biographies and economic and public activities of the Ḥatim family in Istanbul in the late 18th century and throughout the 19th century. Most of the attention is focused on R. Shlomo Ḥatim and his son Yitsḥak, who were members of the Jewish elite in Istanbul and settled in Jerusalem at the ends of their lives. R. Shlomo, who is said to have served the Ottoman authorities in Istanbul, settled in Jerusalem more than ten years before the leaders of the Jewish economic elite in Istanbul were executed in the 1820s. His son, surviving this purge, followed much later, immigrating to Israel in 1846, but died immediately thereafter. This article provides insights into the business activities of the Ḥatim family, as well as the activities of Yitsḥak Ḥatim as an Ottoman official in Istanbul. I also discuss two more generations of this family, considered an elite, privileged one, and that was highly esteemed among well-known rabbis in the Ottoman Empire. I also discuss the ties that developed between the communities of Istanbul and Jerusalem in the first half of the 19th century as a result of initiatives of officials in Istanbul and of immigration from Istanbul to Jerusalem.


1995 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 376-390 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. Brett King ◽  
Brittany L. Raymond ◽  
Jennifer A. Simon-Thomas

The 19th century can be characterized as a time of avid public interest in team and spectator sports. As diverse and challenging new sports were developed and gained popularity, many articles on a rudimentary sport psychology began to appear in cultural magazines in the United States and Great Britain. Athletes, physicians, educators, journalists, and members of the public wrote on topics such as profiles and psychological studies of elite athletes, the importance of physical training, exercise and health, and the detrimental effects of professional sports to the role of age, gender, and culture in sports. Although a scientific foundation for such observations was largely absent, some of the ideas expressed in early cultural magazines anticipate contemporary interests in sport psychology.


Porta Aurea ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 244-268
Author(s):  
Dominika Piluk

Gdansk architecture of last decade of 20th century by all means tried to reconnect to the Gdansk architectural tradition, especially the glorified 19th-century German/ Gdańsk Renaissance. The essay aims to present a preliminary analysis of the phenomenon strongly present in the Gdańsk architectural discussion in the nineties: the phenomenon of reconstruction. The city’s architectural achievements of the 19th-century were reinterpreted. Moreover, not only did architects in democratic Poland have to face a new economic situation, but also the need to emphasize the departure from the visual form imposed by the communist system, which, particularly in Gdańsk, took a form of historicism. The complex history of the city, preserved in its architecture, had a huge impact on the aesthetics of buildings designed during the transformation period. Tis thorough introduction is aimed to show commitment to the great tradition of the harbour city, which often resulted in neglecting innovations and modern architectural standards, these forced by the diffcult times of the economic change, as well as the concept of the city’s identity. The article focuses on the examples of buildings erected after 1989, as well as the public opinion debate, which jointly attempted to emphasise the mythical greatness of old Gdańsk.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (7) ◽  
pp. 49
Author(s):  
Danilo Araújo Moreira

Durante o século XIX a instrução pública figurou como pauta frequente nos debates políticos do jovem império do Brasil. Nas altas galerias da política nacional e nas salas das assembleias provinciais, a formação escolar dos cidadãos brasileiros foi tema de leis e regulamentos diversos. Iniciava-se neste período a estrutura de ensino público no Brasil independente. Na corte e nas províncias, planejavam-se e fundavam-se faculdades, escolas normais, liceus, externatos, aulas avulsas e outras instituições escolares. Este processo integrou o curso da organização do Estado Nacional no Brasil. No interior deste movimento, a instrução pública foi progressivamente se constituindo como um instrumento a ser utilizado para auxiliar na resolução de algumas questões colocadas às elites imperiais. Pouco ainda tem se discutido, contudo, sobre os discursos e as representações que foram construídas neste processo acerca do valor da instrução, do letramento e da formação escolar. Neste ensaio, buscamos realizar uma reflexão sobre este tema nos orientando pelo seguinte questionamento: ao longo da criação do titubeante sistema de instrução pública da província de Minas Gerais, de que modo a escolarização era abordada nos discursos políticos? A discussão aqui delineada é pautada pelo enfoque sobre uma documentação específica que já foi utilizada em algumas pesquisas em história da educação, mas que ainda consiste em uma fonte de informações importante sobre a organização da instrução pública em Minas Gerais: os Relatórios dos Presidentes da Província.* * *During the 19th century the public instruction has figured as a frequent matter in political debates from the early Brazilian Empire. At the highest galleries of national politics and into the provincial assemblies rooms, the scholar formation of brazilian citizens was theme of a huge variety of laws and rules. In this period, the public education structuration has been started at the independent Brazil. At the court and provincies, it was planned and founded new colleges, normal schools, day-schools, lyceums, single classes and other institutions. This process has integrated the organization course of the National State in Brazil. Within this moviment, the public instruction was progressively constituting itself as an instrument to be used to help finding the answer of some questions posed to the imperial elite. Only a little has been discussed about the topic yet, however, the speech and representation were built at this process around the value of instruction, the literacy and the school education. In this essay, we seek to reflect about the theme, guiding ourselves by the following question: throughout the creation of this hesitant public instruction system in Minas Gerais’ province, in which way did the schooling use to be addressed at the political speeches? The argumentation outlined in this arcticle is marked by the focus on a specific documentation which has already been used in some reaserches in the history of education, but it still represents an important information source about the public instruction organization in Minas Gerais: the Province Presidents’ Reports.


2021 ◽  
Vol 66 (2) ◽  
pp. 213-224
Author(s):  
Diana Todea-Sahlean

"The presentation of the book The Evolution of Opera Performance, from Scenographic Miracles to the Opera Productions of the 19th Century, offers a synthesis of our work as a musical theatre director. Our aim is to stimulate the public’s interest in the opera genre and opera staging, by revealing aspects in the history of opera performance(s), as they have been shaped, century after century, by following the gradual effort and the tireless passion of its creators. Our aims are also to illustrate the original charm and the infinite resources of this genre, which continues to delight the public at large and the knowledgeable even today. Keywords: opera performance, opera staging, liturgical drama, vernacular drama, secular drama, dramatic madrigal, intermedi, the Florentine Camerata, Claudio Monteverdi, comédies-ballets, tragédie en musique, semi-opera, opera seria, the comic opera, opera buffa, ópera comique, ballad opera, Singspiel, tonadilla, Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart "


2020 ◽  
Vol 64 (3) ◽  
pp. 100-117
Author(s):  
Danielle Bainbridge

The public autopsies of 19th-century enfreaked performers remains a central issue in studies of 19th-century enslavement. While previously black performance studies focused on the instability of the historical past tense, the study of freak shows and enslavement dictates a reckoning with the future perfect tense, which sheds light on the history of the future by asking “what will have been” rather than “what was” or “what could have been.”


1998 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-225 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marc Linder ◽  
Charles L. Saltzman

For 250 years medical scientists have propagandized about the health hazards of high-heeled shoes, which originated four centuries ago. Physicians, however, largely unaware of their own profession's tradition, keep reinventing the diagnostic wheel. This professional amnesia has held back the momentum of the process of educating the public. Consequently, despite these warnings, millions of women continue to wear high-heeled shoes. This article describes the history of the medical profession's recognition of this worldwide health problem and the current understanding of the deleterious and often irreversible biomechanical effects of high-heeled shoewear. The article emphasizes that the reemergence of high heels and of medical interest in them in the third quarter of the 19th century, following their disappearance in the wake of the French Revolution, was associated with increasing pressure by employers to wear such shoes for long hours at work. Although medical scientists have recognized this specifically occupational phenomenon for more than a century, full-scale epidemiological studies may be necessary to bring about substantial social-behavioral change.


2004 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-158 ◽  
Author(s):  
HERMAN VAN DER WUSTEN

This paper deals with the residences of public authority across Europe from the emergence of the state system to the present. It is concerned with the addresses, the buildings, their surroundings and the symbolic significance from the point of view of builders and the public. The building styles have been heavily influenced by the examples of imperial and papal Rome, and a dominant model of a European capital city building has evolved. There are also some systematic differences, particularly for those countries with a dramatic history of constitutional change and for those with a decentralized process of state-building in the early stages of the process. In the second half of the 19th century, and probably again currently, the residences of public authority should be read in conjunction with the positioning of a series of civic institutions. The display of state authority has been increasingly accompanied by the representation of national identity. More recently, however, a touch of cosmopolitanism has been added in many capitals. The reading of these capitals is therefore now more ambiguous. This will probably intensify under the impact of the emerging European multilevel governance system. At the same time, this governance system has become increasingly based in Brussels. For this city to symbolically represent Europe is a very difficult ambition in the context of its multiple capital roles. However, Brussels has a long history of dealing successfully with such urban challenges in spite of major conflicts and drawbacks.


Author(s):  
V. V. Halubovich

The article analyzes the information about Lublin 1569 Union from the narrative and documentary sources that date back to the reign of the first monarchs of Vasa dynasty. The author defines main contexts of the term «union» use in the sejm constitutions and documentation of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania congresses. The direct correlation between the estimates of the Union at different levels of state representative institutions of the Commonwealth is revealed. The Lublin Sejm of 1569 was a key event in the history of Eastern Europe, but in the historical works (chronicles and annals) of the second half of 16th – early 17th century information about it and its decisions are concise and general. At the end of 16th – the first half of 17th century the memory of Lublin Union was not mainly broadcast by narrative channels. In keeping the memory about 1569 events legal deeds and state institutions decisions were of considerable importance. The result of the state union with Poland was the approval of the public law standards that could not be ignored by any representative of the so-called political people of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the following centuries. The author maintains that as a whole the Grand Duchy of Lithuania gentry did not question the correctness of the 1569 choice, took and defended «Lublin myth», as under those conditions it had more benefits than losses.


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