scholarly journals The European Union's foreign policy in challenging times: Confirmation hearing of the Hon. Josep Borrell before the Foreign Affairs Committee of the European Parliament for the position of High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and Vice-President of the European Commission

Author(s):  
Josep Borrell

On 7 October 2019, Josep Borrell took part in his confirmation hearing at the European Parliament as the designated High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy / Vice-President of the European Commission for the 2019-2024 term. Both in his introductory remarks and in the ex- change with the MEPS, as well as in his final remarks, Mr. Borrell presented his vision for the European Union’s foreign policy. He called for European unity to develop a truly integrated Union foreign policy that corresponds to its stature as a global player and highlighted both challenges and opportunities for Europe in an international context that is more defiant than expected.

Subject EU institutions. Significance The European Council’s choices of heads for the European Commission, ECB, Council and the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy represent continuity. All are Western Europeans and all belong to centrist groups in the European Parliament (EP). However, the influence of the centre is declining in some institutions while that of peripheral groups is growing. Impacts Ursula von der Leyen's appointment as Commission president is destabilising to governing coalitions in Germany and Italy. Eastern and Central European countries believe that von der Leyen will adopte a more lenient stance on rule of law issues. Von der Leyen will support French President Emmanuel Macron's plans for European defence autonomy. Christine Lagarde’s nomination to head the ECB looks more like a political than a technical appointment.


2012 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 246-279 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leendert Erkelens ◽  
Steven Blockmans

European External Action Service – Treaty of Lisbon – High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy – combination with role of Vice President of the European Commission responsible for external action – Institutional balance between the Commission and the Council – Curtailment in practice of High Representative's ‘Vice Presidential’ powers – Hybrid approach toward role of EEAS: both intergovernmental and communitarian


Author(s):  
Wolfgang Wagner

Whether foreign policy should be exempted from democratic politics has been discussed since the early days of modern democracy. While this debate has oscillated between executive-friendly and democracy-friendly positions, it has neglected the role of political parties as essential actors in democratic decision-making and in providing cues to the public more broadly. Institutionalist and ideational theories of the so-called Democratic Peace in particular have neglected political parties, even though they silently assume that foreign and security policy is a matter of party-political contestation. Therefore, the theoretical framework outlined in this chapter also draws on scholarship in Foreign Policy Analysis that examined the role of ‘government ideology’. It suggests two propositions to inform the empirical analyses, namely 1) that foreign affairs are systematically contested, rather than shielded from democratic politics; 2) that party-political contestation is structured along the left/right dimension.


Author(s):  
V. I. Denysenko

The research focuses on the relationship between Ukraine and European Union during the first year of Victor Yanukovych presidency. It highlights the attempts of the new Ukrainian government to establish the dialogue with the leaders of EU, including Josй Manuel, President of the European Commission Barroso, Herman Van Rompuy, President of the European Council, Jerzy Buzek, President of the European Parliament, and Catherine Ashton, High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, First Vice President of the European Commission. This was the motive put behind the first international visit of Victor Yanukovych to Brussels, March 1st, 2010. The author proves the idea of keen interest of Ukrainian top authorities to aspire visa-free travel regime with EU, that was supposed to later score more electoral points during the upcoming elections. Still, the terms of Ukraine-EU Association Agreement seemed for the representatives of the Party of Regions too difficult to implement, and, therefore, in their opinion, had limited perspectives. However, in public domain, both President Victor Yanukovych and his political teammates kept consistently demonstrating their commitment to European integration ideas. The Cabinet of Mykola Azarov, basing on the list of eighteen EU reforms, devised their own plan of integration into European legal, economic and information framework. According to this plan, from October 15th, 2010 the administration was to complete the provisions for signing association and the visa liberalization agreements. Ukraine was represented in EU by experienced diplomat Kostiantyn Ieliseyev. The research points out the existing controversies between Ukrainian and European parties in the question of establishing an extensive and far-reaching free trade area. It draws special attention to the progress made in the area of Ukraine-Europe cooperation in the sphere of power industry, endorsement of the law “Fundamentals for Natural Gas Market Development” and Ukraine becoming a member of Energy Community.


1982 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-146
Author(s):  
P.M. Kamath

In the post-World War II period “national security” has become the most important concept commanding respect among policy-makers and demanding crippling-silence on the part of the national community. It is not necessary here to examine the reasons1, for this commandeering position given to the concept of national security, but in an objective sense, foreign affairs of any nation in the ultimate analysis is conducted to secure national security. In this sense national security essentially denotes a nation's determination to preserve at any cost some of its interests. Foremost are : territorial integrity, political independence and fundamental governmental institutions.2 In the contemporary world it is also a well established fact that the military, diplomatic and economic aspects of a nation's foreign affairs are inseperably interlinked with one another. While foreign policy aims at serving national interest through peaceful diplomatic means, military policy aims at preparedness to protect national interest in case foreign policy fails. The foreign policy of a nation has also to take into consideration economic states involved in a particular policy consideration. This is particularly true for a super power like the United States. Hence, in a sense, it is appropriate to term the combination of foreign and military policies of a nation as national security policy. Who makes national security policy in the United States? What are the special features of national security policy-making process? It is proposed to answer these questions in this paper with special reference to the Reagan Administration.


2008 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 595-629 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roger Murphy

This article examines changes in the structure and operation of the Czech Republic Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) after the collapse of communism through its entry into the European Union. Like all foreign ministries, the MFA must adapt to the changing nature of diplomacy, where the distinction between foreign policy and domestic policy has become increasingly blurred. The MFA must compete in a more crowded foreign policy-making environment. However, the MFA has also been transformed by the collapse of communism. The ministry has been purged and forced to reevaluate its operations, goals, and institutional culture. This article evaluates the success of the MFA in meeting these significant challenges, and compares these reforms to the reforms of other ministries in the Czech Republic and other foreign ministries.


2010 ◽  
Vol 62 (3) ◽  
pp. 397-417
Author(s):  
Zaklina Novicic

The article deals with institutional innovations introduced with Lisbon Treaty in the EU common foreign and security policy. The pillar structure of EU was abolished, but main features of intergovernmental decision-making procedures and unanimity would de facto remain. That is the main structural constrain of a single and bolder European outbreak an international scene. An novelty is the some kind of presidentialization (personalization) of the field in the new posts of President of European Council and the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. New procedures and structures are introduced also in a realm of Common Security and Defense Policy. A special hope of Eurocrats are put on the ongoing process of setting up new European External Action Serves as de facto new diplomatic service of the Union. However, there is the main paradox of the Lisbon arrangement in that it is supposed to confirm integration through foreign policy success at a same time when Europe is divided over a number of domestic as well as foreign policy issues, and all that at a time of the manifold global financial and economic crises.


2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 267-306 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ludwig Krämer

The green deal, a strategy programme by the European Commission, intends to “green” the EU activities and re-orient policies and laws for the years to come, in areas such as climate and energy, agriculture and fisheries, products and services, and trade and foreign policy, the most important announcement being the adoption of an EU climate law which will ensure EU climate neutrality by 2050. This contribution tries to place the different elements of the green deal strategy into their environmental context and also to assess the probability that the proposed measures will be agreed by the European Parliament and by the Council (the Member States’ governments).


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