scholarly journals Rekrutmen Calon Legislatif Muda Partai Golongan Karya Untuk Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Republik Indonesia Periode 2019-2024

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 987-995
Author(s):  
Delya Afrida Sari ◽  
Wawan Budi Darmawan ◽  
Firman Manan

This paper aims to describe the recruitment of young legislative candidates for the Golkar Party in the 2019 elections. The problem is focused on how the recruitment of young legislative candidates is carried out by the Golkar party. In order to approach this problem, the theory of political recruitment from Michael Rush and Philip Althoff was used. The data were collected through interviews and analyzed qualitatively. The type of research used is descriptive which intends to provide the results of exploration or exploration of information on the research objectives. This study concludes that the political recruitment of young golkar party legislative candidates for the House of Representatives of the Republic of Indonesia for the 2019-2024 period includes five activity processes, namely: supply and demand, agency, criteria, control and demand.

Author(s):  
Rosie Campbell ◽  
Sarah Childs ◽  
Elizabeth Hunt

This chapter examines the progress of women's participation and representation in the House of Commons. It first considers women's descriptive representation in the House of Commons over the last century, with emphasis on the differences in the proportion of women Members of Parliament (MPs) elected by the main political parties. It explains improvements in the numbers of women MPs in the last decade or so, together with the party asymmetry, by reference to the supply and demand model of political recruitment. It then reviews arguments for women's equal participation in politics, taking into account how women's descriptive representation intersects with symbolic and substantive representation. It also discusses resistance to the claim that women's representation matters and concludes with an analysis of the masculinized nature of the political institution that women MPs inhabit, along with the recommendations made in the 2016 The Good Parliament report.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-111
Author(s):  
Julizar Idris ◽  
Abdul Hakim ◽  
Sarwono Sarwono ◽  
Bambang Santoso Haryono

Abstract Public policy formulation as a political process is a dynamic formulation of policies involving many actors, ranging from the executive, legislative, academic, to non-governmental organizations. The purpose of this study was to find out the political process of drafting the Oil and Gas Law and determine the model for the formulation of the Oil and Gas Law in the Republic of Indonesia’s House of Representatives. This research method uses a qualitative approach, through observation, in-interview techniques and documentation of secondary data in the process of collecting data. Data analysis using the Interactive Model method by Miles & Huberman's. The results of the study indicate that the political process of drafting the Constitution of Oil and Gas takes place in the following stages: planning, drafting and discussion. Politically, the planning of the Constitution of Oil and Gas comes from several sources: (1) the bill from the President; (2) the bill from the House of Representatives; and (3) the bill from the Regional Representative Council. The long political process in the public policy formulation in the House of Representatives starts from the process of inventorying input from factions, commissions, and the public to be determined as a Legislative Body decision, then the decision is to be consulted with the Government; afterwards, the results of the consultation are reported to the Plenary Session to make the decision.


Author(s):  
Irwansyah & Shela Natasha

The Constitutional Court as the first and the last state administrative court in Indonesia was given the obligation by the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia (Constitution) to decide the opinion of the House of Representatives (DPR) regarding alleged violations by the President according to the Constitution. The Constitution has instructed the Constitutional Court to be in the midst of the DPR and the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) in the mechanism of dismissal of the President, so that the dismissal of the President depends on the MPR decision and does not refer to the decision of the Constitutional Court. The possibility of the MPR to annul the ruling of the Constitutional Court is a gap for experts in constitutional law to debate the legal force of the decision of the Constitutional Court in the mechanism of dismissal of the President. However, it should be understood that the Constitutional Court in terms of dismissal of the President only provides a legal review, so the decision is final and legally binding, where the decision can be a consideration for the MPR in making decisions on the political side. Keywords: Mahkamah Konstitusi, Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat, Impeachment Abstrak: Mahkamah Konstitusi sebagai pengadilan administrasi negara pertama dan terakhir di Indonesia diberi kewajiban oleh Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia (UUD) 1945 untuk memutuskan pendapat Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat mengenai dugaan pelanggaran oleh Presiden menurut Konstitusi. Konstitusi telah memerintahkan Mahkamah Konstitusi untuk berada di tengah-tengah DPR dan Dewan Permusyawaratan Rakyat (MPR) dalam mekanisme pemberhentian Presiden, sehingga pemberhentian Presiden tergantung pada keputusan MPR dan tidak mengacu pada keputusan Mahkamah Konstitusi. Kemungkinan MPR untuk membatalkan putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi adalah celah bagi para ahli hukum konstitusional untuk memperdebatkan kekuatan hukum dari keputusan Mahkamah Konstitusi dalam mekanisme pemberhentian Presiden. Namun, harus dipahami bahwa Mahkamah Konstitusi dalam hal pemberhentian Presiden hanya memberikan tinjauan hukum, sehingga putusannya bersifat final dan mengikat secara hukum, dimana putusan tersebut dapat menjadi pertimbangan bagi MPR dalam mengambil keputusan di sisi politik. Kata kunci: Mahkamah Konstitusi, Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat,Impeachment


Author(s):  
Maurice Rogers ◽  

This study examines the development of village authority arrangements, since the independent Republic of Indonesia until the issuance of Law Number 6 of 2014 concerning Villages and Implementing Government Regulations. The purpose of this study is to understand the legal basis of village authority in Indonesia after the independence of the Republic of Indonesia until the issuance of Law Number 6 of 2014 concerning Villages and to find out the development of the political direction of the government's law regarding village regulations related to the authority of the village government. The research method uses the type of research that researchers use is normative legal research. Obtaining data from library materials or secondary data, then the technique of collecting data or legal materials in this research is carried out by literature/documentation studies. This research uses a statute approach and a historical approach, which is carried out to track the history of legal institutions from time to time. This research produces an overview of the journey of regulating village authority, the ups and downs of village authority can be seen from the successive Laws of Regional and Village Governments, relating to the existence of village governments within the framework of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia. The conclusions that can be drawn from this research are regarding. These include: The existence of ups and downs regarding the regulation of village authority, both at the level of law and at the level of government regulations, the existence of the political will of the government to restore the existence of the village, which actually existed before the birth of the Republic of Indonesia, as well as the growing recognition of village autonomy and Traditional villages are of special concern to legislators (the President and the House of Representatives).


1980 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 453-477 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronald L. Hatzenbuehler ◽  
Robert L. Ivie

A decade ago, Richard Hofstadter wrote that historians were approaching consensus on the political origins of the War of 1812. Blending elements of the work during the early 1960s of Norman K. Risjord, Bradford Perkins, and Roger H. Brown, Hofstadter (1969: 181) concluded that Republicans were convinced “the Republic itself and the fate of republican government had come to rest on the ability of the Republican party to take a forceful stand against foreign incursions on American rights.” Republicans, in other words, melded national with partisan goals and pursued war to save national honor and the Republican party.Today, however, one would have to conclude that Hofstadter’s prediction was premature, based upon the spate of articles published since 1972 addressing the partisan nature of the vote for war in the House of Representatives, the role of the War Hawks in the debates and legislation of the war session, and the leadership (or lack thereof) supplied by James Madison (Hatzenbuehler, 1972b, 1976; Egan, 1974; Stagg, 1976; Hickey, 1976; Fritz, 1977; Bell, 1979).


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 45-53
Author(s):  
Akmal Arianto ◽  
Aidinil Zetra ◽  
Tengku Rika Valentina

This research discusses the political conflict in managing the Regional Executive Board of Hanura Political Party in West Sumatera. The method used in this research is a qualitative approach with descriptive type. The theory used in this research is the theory of conflict-causing factors from Simon Fisher and the concept of political conflict from Ramlan Surbakti. From the research that was conducted, it was found that some factors caused the political conflicts. Firstly, a sense of distrust from the management of the regional executive Board of Hanura Political Party in West Sumatera towards Osman Sapta Odang.  Secondly, the Chief of Regional Executive Board of Hanura Political Party in West Sumatera was disappointed about Wiranto's inability to take an outright stance regarding the conflicts that occurred in the management. Thirdly, a lack of mutual respect between senior and junior figures of the Hanura Political Party in West Sumatera. Fourthly, different opinions about party management between Osman Sapta Odang's side and Daryatmo's side. The political conflict in Hanura has implications for the replacement of the chairman of the Regional Representative Council of the Republic of Indonesia and the dismissal of 10 Hanura Political Party members from the Regional House of Representatives in West Sumatera, who are on Daryatmo's side; therefore the dismissed cadres chose to switch parties.


Author(s):  
Andina Elok Puri Maharani

<p><em>This paper examines the leadership of the people's representatives towards a constitutional Indonesia and people's sovereignty in the perspective of the Astha Brata Philosophy. The issue in this paper is the crisis of leadership and public distrust of the performance of the people's representatives, in the context of this paper the members of the House of Representatives of the Republic of Indonesia. This crisis of confidence will gradually weaken democracy which is believed to be the way to prosperity based on people's sovereignty. The problems raised in this paper are why there are problems in the leadership of the people's representatives and how the Astha Brata philosophy is the answer in the leadership of the people's representatives towards a prosperous Indonesia with people's sovereignty. This type of research is doctrinal with a statutory approach, namely the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, legislation on elections and political recruitment, case approach and philosophical approach. The results of the study show that first, the root of the problem of the leadership of the people's representatives, namely an unhealthy political recruitment process, political education and regeneration that is not going well. Second, Astha Brata as a perfect philosophy to form leaders who have strong characters and provide protection towards a constitutional Indonesia and people's sovereignty.</em></p>


2020 ◽  
pp. 14-29
Author(s):  
Lyubov Prokopenko

The article considers the political aspect of land reform in the Republic of Zimbabwe. The problem of land reform has been one of the crucial ones in the history of this African country, which celebrated 40 years of independence on April 18, 2020. In recent decades, it has been constantly in the spotlight of political and electoral processes. The land issue was one of the key points of the political program from the very beginning of Robert Mugabe’s reign in 1980. The political aspect of land reform began to manifest itself clearly with the growth of the opposition movement in the late 1990s. In 2000–2002 the country implemented the Fast Track Land Reform Program (FTLRP), the essence of which was the compulsory acquisition of land from white owners without compensation. The expropriation of white farmers’ lands in the 2000s led to a serious reconfiguration of land ownership, which helped to maintain in power the ruling party, the African National Union of Zimbabwe – Patriotic Front (ZANU – PF). The government was carrying out its land reform in the context of a sharp confrontation with the opposition, especially with the Party for the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), led by trade union leader Morgan Tsvangirai. The land issue was on the agenda of all the election campaigns (including the elections in July 2018); this fact denotes its politicization, hence the timeliness of this article. The economic and political crisis in Zimbabwe in the 2000–2010s was the most noticeable phenomenon in the South African region. The analysis of foreign and domestic sources allows us to conclude that the accelerated land reform served as one of its main triggers. The practical steps of the new Zimbabwean president, Mr. Emmerson Mnangagwa, indicate that he is aware of the importance of resolving land reform-related issues for further economic recovery. At the beginning of March 2020, the government adopted new regulations defining the conditions for compensation to farmers. On April 18, 2020, speaking on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the independence of Zimbabwe, Mr. E. Mnangagwa stated that the land reform program remains the cornerstone of the country’s independence and sovereignty.


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