scholarly journals Targets of jokes (Satirical Shows)

10.34778/3i ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cordula Nitsch ◽  
Dennis Lichtenstein
Keyword(s):  
Research Question ◽  
Experimental Studies ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Presidential Candidates ◽  
Collective Actors ◽  
Societal Actors ◽  
Individual Actor ◽  
Depiction Of Politics ◽  
Harald Schmidt

With the variable “targets of jokes” it is analyzed which actors are evaluated in satirical shows (either by criticism or as a target of a joke). Targets of jokes can be celebrities and societal actors, however, the greatest attention is given to political actors. Political actors can either be collective actors such as parties and other political organizations or individual politicians. Due to cultural specifics in the U.S., the coding of political actors as targets of jokes is often expanded to the family and staff of presidential candidates and other high-ranking politicians in American studies (Lichter, et al., 2015).   Field of application/theoretical foundation: The variable is used to analyze balance in jokes (e.g., distribution of jokes on political actors) and is an indicator for political plurality.   References/combination with other methods of data collection: The variable is used in content analysis that have been combined with experimental studies that analyze priming effects (Matthes & Rauchfleisch, 2013)   Example study: Nitsch & Lichtenstein (2013)   Information on Nitsch & Lichtenstein, 2013 Authors: Cordula Nitsch, Dennis Lichtenstein Research question/ research interest: Depiction of politics (topics and actors) in satirical shows vs. news shows Object of analysis: Satirical Show (Harald Schmidt Show), news show (Tagesschau) Timeframe of analysis: 2009-2010   Information about variable Variable name/definition: Akteure [actors] Gewertet werden nur politisch relevante Akteure, die in der Sendung angesprochen werden oder selbst sprechen. Ein Akteur gilt als politischer Akteur, wenn es sich dabei entweder um eine politische Institution (z.B. EU, Nato, UNO, Parlament) oder um einen demokratisch legitimierten Individualakteur (z.B Bundespräsident, Politiker unterschiedlicher Parteien) handelt Pro Thema wird jeder Akteur nur einmal codiert. Enthält ein Thema keinen Akteur, so wird die Variable nicht ausgefüllt [Only politically relevant actors who are addressed in the satirical shows or who speak on their own behalf are considered. An actor is considered a political actor if it is either a political institution (e.g. EU, NATO, UN, parliament) or a democratically legitimated individual actor (e.g. Federal President, politicians from different parties). If a topic contains no actor, the variable is not coded.] Level of analysis: Beitragsebene Scale level: Nominal Reliability: Identifikation der Akteure: .82, Akteursvariablen: .81 D national D regional EU Ausland   Bereich 1xxx 2xxx 3xxx 4xxx 100 Politiker Land/EU als Ganzes z.B. „die USA haben entschieden“, „Griechenland ist pleite“, „die EU sagt…“         110 Präsident z.B. Bundespräsident         111 Regierungschef z.B. Bundeskanzler         112 Regierung Als Gesamtheit oder einzelne Minister auf nationaler Ebene; für EU: Kommission und Rat         113 Die Opposition Nur als Gesamtheit, auf nationaler Ebene         114 Parlament         115 Partei z.B. „die SPD hat sich mit der CDU darauf geeinigt…“         116 Spitzenfunktionär in Partei z.B. Parteichef, Generalsekretär         117 Sonstiges Parteimitglied/Parlamentarier         118 Ehemaliger Politiker         119 Ehemalige Regierung         199 Politischer Akteur, nicht näher zuzuordnen Weitere Akteure: 5101 Nato 5102 UNI 5103 G8-Staaten 5999 Anderer internationaler politischer Akteur   References Nitsch, C. & Lichtenstein, D. (2013). Politik mal anders: Die Politikdarstellung in „Harald Schmidt“ im Kontrast zur „Tagesschau“ [A different serving of politics: the depiction of

scholarly journals Evaluation of political actors (Satirical Shows)

10.34778/3g ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cordula Nitsch ◽  
Dennis Lichtenstein
Keyword(s):  
Theoretical Foundation ◽  
Research Question ◽  
Political Actor ◽  
Personal Traits ◽  
Unit Of Analysis ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Late Night ◽  
Different Types ◽  
Tv Shows ◽  
Depiction Of Politics

The variable “evaluation of political actors” examines which criteria are addressed in satirical shows to evaluate political actors. Evaluations can be based on role-specific criteria of political actors or on jokes that are related to politically irrelevant aspects such as personal traits, self-deprecation, and stereotypes (Emde & Scherer, 2016; Lichtenstein & Nitsch, 2018). The variable is an indicator for a show’s humor conventions as well as for the way the show deals with political content. The unit of analysis is the joke, which targets a political actor.   Field of application/theoretical foundation: This variable is used to analyze the extent of substantial political information in satirical shows. It is also used to compare different types of satirical shows (e.g., Late Night Comedy news satire) or to assess the depiction of different political actors and whether or not they are embedded into different types of jokes.   References/combination with other methods of data collection –   Example study: Lichtenstein & Nitsch (2018)   Information on Lichtenstein & Nitsch, 2018 Authors: Dennis Lichtenstein, Cordula Nitsch  Research question/research interest: Depiction of politics in satirical shows Object of analysis: Three popular German satirical TV-shows (Die Anstalt, heute show, Neo Magazin Royale) Timeframe of analysis: 2014-2016   Information about variable Variable name/definition: Criticism   V29     KRITIK Kritik am Akteur Hier wird codiert, auf welche Weise der Akteur in dem angesprochenen Themenkontext bewertet wird. Es wird festgehalten, ob die Bewertung positiv oder negativ ausfällt und ob sie sich auf Sachaspekte oder Persönlichkeitsmerkmale bezieht.   It is coded, in which way the actor is evaluated in the addressed topic context. It is coded whether the evaluation is positive or negative and whether it refers to role specific criteria or personality traits.       Nur Personen-aspekte V.a. Personen-aspekte Gleichermaßen Sach- und Personen-aspekte V.a. Sachaspekte Nur Sachaspekte Weder Sach- noch  Personen-aspekte     1x 2x 3x 4x 5x 9x Nur positive Bewertung x1             V.a. positive Bewertung x2             Ambivalent x3             V.a. negativ Bewertung x4             Nur negative Bewertung x5             Keine Bewertung x0               References Lichtenstein, D. & Nitsch, C. (2018). Informativ und kritisch? Die Politikdarstellung in deutschen Satiresendungen. [Informative and critical? The presentation of politics in German satirical programmes.] Medien und Kommunikationswissenschaft, 66(1), 5-21.

Changes in the Political Culture of Italian Younger Politicians

2019 ◽  
pp. 1222-1236
Author(s):  
Flaminia Saccà
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
New Venture ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
Berlin Wall ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Political Apathy ◽  
Past Millennium

In the last decade, Italy has gone through some deep changes in the political sphere. The fall of the Berlin Wall had forced political parties from opposite sides to re-organize themselves: their targets, ideologies and projects. At the same time, these historical events have been shortly followed by a major national bribe scandal that invested the main political leaders who had governed the Country for half a century. As a result, the last turn of the past Millennium has left a strongly politicized Country with no acknowledged leaders, no clear ideologies, no traditional, recognizable parties. It is in those years that Berlusconi's new venture gained votes and success. The fracture between political organizations, leaders and citizens though, became unhealable. The younger generations seemed to be the ones who suffered the most from political apathy or, worse, distrust. So we wanted to investigate who were the young politicians who, in these times of crises, had chosen politics as an important part of their lives. We have carried out two different surveys in different years and we found that political parties were changing deeply and radically. That their role in the political socialization of young political actors had become very thin. That candidates began to be chosen amongst the affluent few or, at least, amongst those whose personal fame and social/professional/family network would guarantee their party at least a dowry of votes that could make the difference in times of elections. But this method would not guarantee cohesion nor government stability.

Electoral Systems, Integrated Institutions and Turnout in Local and National Elections: Canada in Comparative Perspective

1997 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-106 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henry Milner
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Theoretical Explanation ◽  
Weak Links ◽  
Information Costs ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
National Elections ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
High Turnout ◽  
The Cost

AbstractIn this article, it is argued that Canada's relatively low rate of political participation is related to its electoral system being nonproportional, but that a complementary factor is to be found in its political institutions being discontinuous. Discontinuous institutions are manifested in relatively weak links between political organizations active municipally, regionally (provincially) and nationally. While the relationship between proportional representation (PR) and high turnout has been well established in the literature, there is still a puzzle surrounding the theoretical explanation for it. The author argues that the key to the solution to this puzzle lies less in the additional potential benefits to the voter in a PR system than in the reduction of costs, specifically information costs under such a system. PR is seen to frame incentives and disincentives for political actors in such a manner as to result in a reduction of the cost of political information. This is especially the case when PR is embedded in integrated (non-discontinuous) political institutional arrangements. The most salient manifestation of this effect is seen in comparative turnout levels in municipal elections.

scholarly journals The Complex Adaptive System Principles model for bilingualism: Language interactions within and across bilingual minds

2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (6) ◽  
pp. 1223-1248 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luna Filipović ◽  
John A Hawkins
Keyword(s):  
Language Processing ◽  
Language Change ◽  
Complex Adaptive System ◽  
Factor Model ◽  
Research Question ◽  
Empirical Studies ◽  
Experimental Studies ◽  
Lexical Priming ◽  
Bilingual Speakers ◽  
Complex Adaptive

Aims and objectives/purpose/research question: We propose a model that captures general patterns in bilingual language processing, based on empirical evidence elicited in a variety of experimental studies. We begin by considering what linguistic outputs are logically possible when bilingual speakers communicate based on the typological features of two languages in the bilingual mind. Our aim is to explain why some outputs are more frequent or more likely than others in bilingual language use. Design/methodology/approach: Our empirically derived multi-factor model combines insights from various empirical studies of different bilingual populations and it includes a variety of methodologies and approaches, such as lexical categorisation, lexical priming, syntactic priming, event verbalisation and memory, historical language change, grammaticality judgments and observational reports. Data and analysis: We critically discuss both lexical and syntactic processing data, as well as data that reflect bilingual type differences and different communicative situations (i.e. who the bilingual speakers are talking to and for what purpose). Crucially, we explain when the relevant factors collaborate and when they compete. Originality: There are three main reasons why this paper can be deemed original: 1) it offers a unified model for understanding bilingual language processing that is not focused on a single factor or a single linguistic level, as has most often been the case in the past; 2) it brings together the study of bilingualism from both psycholinguistic and sociolinguistic perspectives and in a unifying fashion, which is rare in the literature; and 3) it creates a platform for testing numerous predictions that are not dependent on any one theory. Significance/implications: This new model opens up new avenues for research into bilingual language processing for all types of bilingual speakers and in different communicative situations. It captures and explains the variety of outputs in bilingual communication and enables us to make predictions about communicative outcomes.

Research on encouraging sketching in engineering design

2012 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 303-315 ◽  
Author(s):  
Linda C. Schmidt ◽  
Noe Vargas Hernandez ◽  
Ashley L. Ruocco
Keyword(s):  
Engineering Education ◽  
Engineering Design ◽  
Research Question ◽  
Experimental Studies ◽  
Use Of Technology ◽  
The Impact

AbstractThe value of sketching in engineering design has been widely documented. This paper reviews trends in recent studies on sketching in engineering design and focuses on the encouragement of sketching. The authors present three experimental studies on sketching that look at (1) sketching assignments and their motivation, (2) the impact of a sketching lesson, and (3) the use of Smartpen technology to record sketching; overall these studies address the research question: Can sketching frequency be influenced in engineering education? Influencing sketching frequency is accomplished through motivation, learning, and use of technology for sketching, respectively. Results indicate that these three elements contribute to the encouragement of sketching in engineering design.

U.S. Foreign Policymaking and National Security

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shoon Murray ◽  
Jordan Tama
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
National Security ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
Policy Agenda ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Presidential Candidates ◽  
The World ◽  
The Media ◽  
The U.S

This chapter revisits the old paradox that the U.S. president is perhaps the most powerful person in the world and yet is constrained domestically by other political actors and a centuries-old constitutional framework. The chapter discusses key actors that shape American foreign policy, including the president, presidential advisers, the federal bureaucracy, Congress, the courts, interest groups, the media, and public opinion. Presidential candidates often call for major shifts in foreign policy, but once they are in office presidents are constrained by strategic and fiscal realities, the bureaucracy’s preference for continuity, America’s separation of powers system, rising partisanship, the fragmented media, and the openness of U.S. institutions to societal pressures. The result is that modern presidents struggle to build and maintain the domestic backing needed to carry out their foreign policy agenda.

scholarly journals The Rise of Political Hatred in Twitter Conversations of Indonesian Netizens

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-31
Author(s):  
Iswandi Syahputra
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Presidential Candidates ◽  
Political Category ◽  
The Government ◽  
Presidential Election Campaign ◽  
Democratic Country

This article discusses expressions of hatred as a political category that has become a topic of discourse among Indonesian netizens on Twitter. The Twitter conversations data used in this analysis were obtained through a Twitter thread reader application operated by DEA (Drone Emprit Academic). As a political category, hatred is considered new. It emerged as  and became a conversational topic for netizens on Twitter due to  various political promises President Joko Widodo has made during his campaign and has not fulfilled. Political hatred has spread extensively owing to Twitter leading to   absolute freedom of expression. On Twitter, political hatred has increased because of two main clusters during the 2019 Presidential Election campaign. The two clusters represent  two pairs of presidential and vice-presidential candidates, namely Joko Widodo-Ma’ruf Amin (Number 01/JKW-MA) and Prabowo Subianto-Sandiaga Uno (Number 02/PS-SU). This study may have implications on broader hatred-based political conflict. Additionally, political hatred may also have implications on the waning of the public’s function to criticize political actors and the government because criticism may be suppressed on the basis of it being an expression of hatred. This will, accordingly, turn into a new dilemma in a democratic country, between freedom of expression and potential rise of new authoritarianism.

scholarly journals Politics of Social Policy-Making in South Korea an Japan

2008 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 109-133
Author(s):  
Lee Joo Ha
Keyword(s):  
Social Policy ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Research Question ◽  
Main Research ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Parliamentary System ◽  
Coordinated Market Economies ◽  
Similarities And Differences ◽  
Institutional Legacies ◽  
Welfare Politics

Until recently, welfare politics in Korea and Japan tended to be dominated by conservative forces "from above." This paper investigates the formation and domination of such forces from above, with a focus on the interaction between institutional arrangements and strategic maneuvering by political actors which, I argue, constitutes the politics of (social) policy-making. The notion of the politics of social policy-making aims to provide a more politically and institutionally sensitive framework than the pluralist analysis of policy-making. Korea and Japan share some crucial institutional legacies of the "developemental state" and "group-coordinated market economies." At the same time, attention should also be paid to different institutional configurations, such as a strong presidential system and first-past-the-post voting in Korea and a parliamentary system and single non-transferable vote in Japan. The main research question is, what are the similarities and differences in the politics of social policy-making between these two countries?

scholarly journals The Role and Place of Youth Political Organizations in the Formation of Public Opinion in the Republic of Tatarstan

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 7441-7443
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Young Generation ◽  
Youth Organizations ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
Social Stratum ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Modern Information ◽  
The Republic

Youth is the most promising social stratum for any state. The processes associated with the activation of the young generation in the social and political life of the country are the most relevant within the framework of modern sociopolitical discourse. The paper reveals the issue of political activity of youth movements in the Republic of Tatarstan. The role of socio-political youth organizations in the formation of public opinion within the framework of the election campaign is revealed. The authors analyse the current state of political youth associations in the Republic of Tatarstan, their place and potential. Given a certain political passivity of the young generation in Russia, especially in the framework of electoral processes, methods of influencing its public opinion that are adequate to this target audience are of particular importance. Thus, there is an objective need for a thorough analysis of the youth communication sphere in order to identify those methods of communication with youth that will most effectively convey to it the proposed position of certain political actors. It is assumed that in the modern information society, the widespread adoption of global communication technologies, young people, as the most progressive part of society, are most affected by the communication influence of modern information platforms posted on the Internet.

Multinational Corporations’ Relationship with Political Actors

2014 ◽  
pp. 340-358
Author(s):  
Pervez N. Ghauri ◽  
Amjad Hadjikhani ◽  
Cecilia Pahlberg
Keyword(s):  
Multinational Corporations ◽  
Multinational Companies ◽  
Behavioral Theory ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
International Firms ◽  
Information Availability ◽  
Theoretical View ◽  
The Relationship

As a result of globalization and the rapid advancements in information availability, international firms are increasingly facing issues of transparency and avoidance of illegitimate opaque behavior. Whereas earlier studies concern either transparency or opacity independently, this chapter extends the analytical scope and conceives of them as related issues. The aim is to propose a theoretical view on transparency in the relationship between multinational companies (MNCs) and political organizations. Underpinning a continuum for transparency/opacity, the theoretical view resorts to behavioral theory and puts forward the elements of trust/distrust and legitimacy/illegitimacy for further understanding the management of transparency in this relationship. The interplay between the three concepts of transparency/opacity, legitimacy/illegitimacy, and trust/distrust are discussed and the reasoning is further demonstrated by using cases from two Swedish firms, Ericsson and Teliasonera, which are presented in the appendix.

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