POÇO DA DRAGA, FORTALEZA-CE: A PRODUÇÃO DO ESPAÇO PELO TURISMO E A GERAÇÃO DE CONFLITOS

2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 1165-1178
Author(s):  
Maria Carollyne Matos Batista ◽  
Fábio Perdigão Vasconcelos

Tendo em vista a grande importância da atividade turística para a economia do estado do Ceará e como a mesma instalou-se nas últimas décadas em diversos municípios cearenses, principalmente nos litorâneos, o presente trabalho objetiva analisar a produção do espaço pelo turismo visando especificamente compreender como essa importante atividade gera conflitos nos espaços onde se estabelece. Anteposto, abre-se debate acerca dos conceitos de turismo, espaço e de como este se reproduz, e conflito que, por sua vez, é relacionado com o conceito de impacto. Por fim, enquadra-se neste cenário a Comunidade litorânea Poço da Draga que, atualmente, vem sendo prejudicada de forma direta pela construção do Acquario do Ceará, o terceiro maior museu oceânico do mundo. A metodologia aplicada neste artigo baseou-se em um levantamento de dados bibliográficos e visitas em campo na comunidade. A partir dessas informações, o debate gira em torno da problemática de construção do Acquario e de como este empreendimento turístico gera diversos conflitos no espaço da comunidade, tais como a possível desapropriação de moradores do seu lugar de residência.Palavras-chave: Turismo, produção do espaço, conflitos. ABSTRACTConsidering the great importance of tourism for the economy of the state of Ceará and how it was installed in the last decades in several municipalities of Ceará, especially in the coastal areas, the present work aims to analyze the production of space by tourism, specifically aiming to understand how this important activity generates conflicts in the spaces where it is established. Before, opens on the concepts of tourism, space and how it reproduces, and conflict that, in turn, is related to the concept of impact. Finally, the Poço da Draga coastal Community, which has been directly hampered by the construction of the Acquario do Ceará, the third largest oceanic museum in the world, is part of this scenario. The methodology applied in this article was based on a survey of bibliographic data and field visits in the community. From this information, the debate revolves around the problem of building the Acquario and how this tourist enterprise generates various conflicts in the community space, such as the possible expropriation of residents of their place of residence.Keywords: Tourism, space production, conflicts. RESUMENDada la gran importancia del turismo para la economía del estado de Ceará y cómo se ha instalado en las últimas décadas en varios municipios de Ceará, especialmente en la costa, este documento tiene como objetivo analizar la producción de espacio por turismo con el objetivo específico de comprender cómo esta importante actividad genera conflictos en los espacios donde se establece. Por otro lado, se abre el debate sobre los conceptos de turismo, espacio y cómo se reproduce, y conflictos que, a su vez, están relacionados con el concepto de impacto. Finalmente, este escenario se ajusta a la comunidad costera de Poço da Daga, que actualmente está siendo perjudicada directamente por la construcción del Acquario do Ceará, el tercer museo oceánico más grande del mundo. La metodología aplicada en este artículo se basó en una encuesta de datos bibliográficos y visitas de campo en la comunidad. A partir de esta información, el debate gira en torno al problema de la construcción del Acuario y cómo esta empresa turística genera varios conflictos en el espacio comunitario, como la posible expropiación de residentes de su lugar de residencia.Palabras clave: Turismo, producción espacial, conflictos.

2021 ◽  
pp. 229-241
Author(s):  
Maciej Rak

The article has three goals. The first is to present the history of research on Polish dialectal phrasematics. In particular, attention was paid to the last five years, i.e. the period 2015–2020. The works in question were ordered according to the dialectological key, taking into account the following dialects: Greater Polish, Masovian, Silesian, Lesser Polish, and the North and South-Eastern dialects. The second goal is to indicate the methodologies that have so far been used to describe dialectal phrasematics. Initially, component analysis was used, which was part of the structuralist research trend, later (more or less from the late 1980s) the ethnolinguistic approach, especially the description of the linguistic picture of the world, began to dominate. The third goal of the article is to provide perspectives. The author once again (as he did it in his earlier works) postulates the preparation of a dictionary of Polish dialectal phrasematics.


2009 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce A. Scholten ◽  
Pratyusha Basu

While the imposition of neoliberal policies by Western development institutions has been widely criticized, the ways in which such policies have found allies in the Third World have not received the same attention. This article focuses on India's cooperative dairying program in order to trace its transformation from an organization seeking to protect small-scale dairy producers against foreign dairy interests to current shifts in favor of the privatization of the dairy sector. The story of how India averted neocolonial dependence in its (dairy) White Revolution merits consideration now, when the global percentage of people in food poverty is again increasing. For decades, the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank enforced the Washington consensus demanding that developing countries adopt structural adjustment programs including privatization of state services, subsidy cuts to indigenous farmers and consumers, and the opening of markets to (often subsidized) food imports from rich countries. Neoliberal policies are implicated in rural poverty, hunger, and migration to sprawling megacities. Given this, it is important to focus on struggles against the possible loss of cooperative institutions and thus build a broader understanding of the ways in which neoliberal policies spawn rural conflicts. This article is divided into three main sections. In the first section, the growth of dairy productivity in India under the cooperative dairying program is traced from the 1970s onwards, beginning with its ability to utilize EEC food aid for the growth of the national dairy sector in a program called Operation Flood. A large part of the credit for this creative use of monetized food aid is usually attributed to Verghese Kurien, who has been associated with cooperative dairying from its beginnings in the small town of Anand, Gujarat, and whose pro-cooperative philosophy guided national dairy development organizations till recently. The second section of the article focuses on the institutional politics of dairy development, taking as its point of entry the replacement of Kurien by officials who are less likely to be oppositional to the privatization of the dairy sector. The departure of Kurien thus marks a key moment in the neoliberalisation of the cooperative dairying sector. The third section focuses on the wider politics of the state of Gujarat within which the ‘Anand pattern’ of cooperative dairying was established. Here, the pro-business policies of Chief Minister Narendra Modi have been focused on attracting foreign investment to the state, leading to accelerated, but not equitable, economic growth. The ways in which agrarian interests have both clashed and intersected with Modi's vision of development provides an understanding of the transformed political economy within which cooperative dairying now has to function. Overall, the politics of cooperative dairying in India provides an insight into the place-based nature of neoliberal experiences, and can serve as an illustration of impending rural struggles across the world.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 51 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harits Dwi W. ◽  
Bagus Subekti N.

Indonesia is one of the largest archipelagic countries in the world, having more than 17,000 islands. It becomes one priority to the state building, more importantly in the national economy. State economic development can be driven by maximizing the potential of seawater through the tourism industry, especially in maritime tourism which is one part of the third pillars of the maritime axis. Maritime tourism may serve as an instrument of Indonesian diplomacy to compete in Southeast Asia’s tourism race. It could be very significant when the government is able to manage the potential resources. This paper argues that maritime tourism is potential for Indonesian development through maritime tourism industry in the future. This paper employs cultural diplomacy concept to describe how cultural diplomacy plays role as an instrument in promoting Indonesia’s tourism industry in the region.Keywords: maritime tourism, cultural diplomacy, tourism industry


2020 ◽  
pp. 163-169
Author(s):  
OKSANA CHEBERYAKO ◽  
VIKTOR KOLESNYK ◽  
ALINA GAIDUCHENKO

The beginning of the third millennium was marked by the desire of the leader countries (USA, China, and Russia) to geopolitical, geostrategic and geo-economic redistribution of spheres of influence. The collapse of the USSR, the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact Organization, the end of the Cold War did not bring the world closer to stability and security. Military force capabilities continue to be considered as one of the most powerful factors in world politics. Proof of this is the intensification of the struggle of the world›s superpowers for regional and global leadership, control over oil, gas and energy flows. It is worth mentioning the Transnistrian conflict, Russia-Led wars in South Ossetia and Abkhazia, the Russian-Georgian war in August 2008, the civil war in Syria, the intensification of Islamic extremism within the ISIS, Russia›s annexation of Crimea, the hybrid war unleashed and continues to wage by the Russian Federation against Ukraine. In this connection, it is becoming increasingly important to provide corresponding levels for the defense budget funding. Thus, the study of the peculiarities of defense financing in Ukraine and powerful military superpowers is of considerable scientific, practical and political interest. Comparing the defense expenditures of different countries makes it possible to identify key problem issues in the defense financing of Ukraine and bring the corresponding costs to international standards. This indicator is one of the most important criteria that characterize the state›s desire for development, relevant combat readiness of the armed forces and other military forces in the face of new challenges. The last years of the previous century were characterized by global geopolitical changes and growing contradictions, which resulted in: the transformation of the bipolar model (USA - USSR) into a multipolar (powerful military superpowers - the USA, Russia, China, Saudi Arabia, France, Japan, Germany, India, Brazil)); globalization of world economic processes; erosion through «hybrid wars», which are a new kind of global confrontation in today›s destabilized international security environment, the facets of the division between war and peace. The availability of weapons of mass destruction and high-precision weapons in the third millennium, the growth of their capacity, the complexity of military equipment and combat assets, the use of new methods and means of warfare have led to significant changes in the functions and tasks of the armed forces, increasing their number and government spending on defense purposes. Today there are about 200 armies in the world with a total number of 24-25 million people (about 0.4% of the world›s population) (Military..., 2002). The state of the troops of any state must correspond to its economic capabilities and at the same time ensure the implementation of national security tasks.


Alamedas ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-133
Author(s):  
Márcio Bonini Notari

RESUMONa segunda seção, Kant menciona: “Os artigos definitivos para a paz perpétua entre os Estados são três: o primeiro, a Constituição civil em cada Estado deve ser republicana. A constituição de um Estado preocupado com a liberdade das pessoas, enquanto componentes de uma sociedade, da sua dependência a uma legislação comum e da sua igualdade como cidadãos. O direito das gentes deve ser fundado sobre um federalismo de Estados livres. Para garantir um estado de paz, Kant sugere a formação de uma união entre os povos, que não seria o mesmo que um Estado congregando povos, pois cada um tem e deve conservar a sua individualidade e o terceiro, o direito cosmopolita deve ser limitado às condições da hospitalidade universal. Essa ultima concepção, Kant no final do século XVII, já falava do “direito da posse comunitária da superfície da Terra”, e que, em virtude de suas dimensões limitadas, somos obrigados a conviver uns com os outros, tornando-se necessário exercitar. Essa ultima concepção, permite problematizar a questão dos estrangeiros e do colonialismo reforçando a necessidade da liga das nações em assegurar o direito cosmopolita, regulador das relações entre Estado e Cidadãos de outros estados (Estrangeiros), em não ser tratados com hostilidade em qualquer parte do globo, numa perspectiva de uma cidadania universal.Palavras chaves: Direito dos povos, direito cosmopolita, colonialismo.In the second section, Kant mentions: “There are three definitive articles for perpetual peace between states: the first, the civil constitution in each state must be republican. The constitution of a State concerned with people's freedom, as components of a society, of their dependence on common legislation and of their equality as citizens. People's law must be founded on a federalism of free states. To guarantee a state of peace, Kant suggests the formation of a union between peoples, which would not be the same as a State congregating peoples, since each one has and must preserve its individuality and the third, the cosmopolitan right must be limited to conditions of universal hospitality. This last conception, Kant at the end of the 17th century, already spoke of the “right to community possession of the Earth's surface”, and that, due to its limited dimensions, we are obliged to live with each other, making it necessary to exercise. This latter conception allows us to problematize the issue of foreigners and colonialism, reinforcing the need for the league of nations to ensure the cosmopolitan right, which regulates relations between the State and Citizens of other states (Foreigners), in not being treated with hostility anywhere in the world. globe, in a perspective of universal citizenship.Key words: Peoples' law, cosmopolitan law, colonialism 


Author(s):  
Yukon Huang

This chapter brings together the factors that have shaped perceptions about China’s economic rise. It begins by discussing the diverging views of China’s economic prospects. This has implications for the debate about the role of the state and prospects for political liberalization framed against President Xi’s corruption campaign and more aggressive foreign policies. Observers see China through their own self-prescribed lens. Factors shaping such perceptions fall under three themes. The first relates to geopolitical tensions and mistrust; the second to location and choice of comparators, complicated by China’s size, speed of change and complexity; and the third is China’s differing institutions and relevance of traditional analytical frameworks. In addition, lack of transparency complicates judgments. Understanding the nature of these differences is the initial step in forging more constructive relations between China as an abnormal great power and the rest of the world.


1969 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-188 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francis Lambert

In almost all the developing countries ‘planning’ has become the open sesame to an industrial future. Private enterprise, it has been argued, is either incapable or unwilling to provide the investment necessary to develop the world, and therefore the task must be carried out by the state, acting through a wide variety of ministries, nationalized corporations, and ‘mixed’ businesses in which the state is the main shareholder. But making a plan is not the same thing as carrying it out, as most of the nations of the Third World have discovered to their cost. A new and highly sophisticated administrative structure will be necessary to carry out the national plan, and the existing government systems, which are mostly based on foundations laid when the responsibilities of the central government were very much smaller, are mostly inadequate. This dilemma can be seen most obviously in the case of Brazil, where a strenuous and partially successful effort has been made to reform the administration and to fit it for its new tasks. What lessons can be learnt from the successes and failures of the administrative reform in Brazil?


1982 ◽  
Vol 34 ◽  
pp. 14-17
Author(s):  
Irving Schiffman

California. The most populous state in the Union, the third largest in area, with a gross product that surpasses that of any other state and all but a handful of countries in the world. Stretching almost 900 miles from the Mexican border to the Oregon state line, this Golden State contains within its 100 million acres a varied landscape of coastline, foothills, mountains, valleys, and deserts. From the northern foothills came the gold that sparked the early and raucous growth of the state, and from the fertile land of the Great Central Valley comes the agricultural products that constitute the foundation of its present wealth. Along its vast coast line, especially in Southern California and the San Francisco Bay Area, resides over ninety percent of the population.


2016 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 6-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yosef Jabareen

The major problem with theories of the right to the city is that they inherently assume that states are the sole provider of rights and that, in liberal–democratic countries, legal rights are conceptually universal and apply to all individuals equally. I challenge these assumptions and maintain that in some situations, when the state and its governing apparatus violate or deny the very basic rights of a social or ethnic collective, the group itself becomes an alternative source of informal rights. I conceive this violation of basic needs as a necessity state of affairs, which constitutes a true and proper source of law and it makes the right to space production and the right to necessity. Thus, the state of necessity is the source of these informal rights and law, and necessity gives them the legitimation they needs. The disadvantaged groups, the community, not the State, give it the legitimation they need. As Agamben suggests in his State of Exception, that necessity has no law and necessity creates it own law. From this perspective, the right to the production of space is a plane of contradictions and struggle over the distribution of resources and rights among people in general, and between the state and its local government and planning and development institutions in particular. Seen in this light, it is clear that the right to the production of space entails not only formal legal rights but also the informal rights, the right to necessity, generated and invoked by disadvantaged groups. The production of space, then, is born and reborn at the heart of the contradictions between formal and informal rights, and between the state’s planning apparatus and spatial agenda on the one hand and the status of disadvantaged groups on the other. The conceptual framework offered here seeks to resolve and overcome these contradictions through its contingent relations between legal rights, which are produced and distributed by the state, and the rights of necessity generated and invoked by the collective. From this perspective, the right to the production of space offers a normative framework for illuminating the relationship between the production of space, structure, and power relations at the state and city level and their relations with collective groups, as well as a means of struggle for basic rights of recognition and of the reorganization of urban society.


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