scholarly journals Państwo jako instytucja i rzeczywistość społeczna

2007 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 153-170
Author(s):  
Tadeusz Szawiel
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
Political System ◽  
State Level ◽  
The State ◽  
Modern State ◽  
American Constitution ◽  
Basic Parameters ◽  
State Form ◽  
The Eu ◽  
The French Revolution

The concept of the state does not need to be re-defined because it describes more permanent structures which were born together with modernity and which continue to endure. The modern state, symbolic dates for which are the American Constitution of 1787 and the French Revolution of 1789, is a nation whose sovereignty is defined territorially. The modern state is defined by the institutions of citizenship and representation, as well as by rules regarding the making of binding decisions. If we talk of a modern state, it is defined by the following, basic parameters: first of all, it is a nation state; secondly, it is a state which undergoes a democratisation that takes social obligations upon itself to ever larger degree. It is also a state which has ever more expectations addressed to it and which unremittingly stimulates such expectations, promising its citizens more and more, most often beyond its capability to deliver (government overload). While we are accustomed to attaching a democratic type of political system to the concept of the state, the extent of the term ‘democracy’ (as a type of a political system) is not identical with that of the term ‘state’. Non-state forms of democracy (on a supra-state level) are possible. Arguments are being developed suggesting that the EU should evolve toward a non-state form of democracy. The term ‘democracy’ is thus not limited to defining only the political system of a state. The state continues to exist because it is still defined by the fundamental structures of the modernity: democracy and the values embroidered on the banners of the French Revolution – liberty, egality, fraternity.

Shaping Institutions

2021 ◽  
pp. 78-102
Author(s):  
Clive Emsley
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
The State ◽  
Modern State ◽  
External Threats ◽  
Public Spirit ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Government ◽  
The French Revolution ◽  
The Revolution

This chapter focuses on the period of the French Revolution, which saw a greater emphasis on the creation of police institutions and particularly fostered developments in political policing designed to check any one or any group that appeared to threaten the state. The revolution, the wars, and the politics of the period helped to shape the police institutions of Europe for the generations that spanned the end of the eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth centuries. They also contributed to the extension of what the French term haute police and which, in 1841, had its essence defined by a prefect as ‘everything related to the security of the king and of the state and also related to public spirit, opinions manifested, news that circulates as it arrives, and the men known to be opposed to the government’. Successive regimes in France—revolutionary, Napoleonic, Restoration—developed political police to investigate internal and external threats; opponents of the French acted similarly. Political police were developed to cope with threats to what increasingly resembled the modern state, and so too were ideas and practices regarding police who could prevent crime in the streets and countryside. At the same time, popular policing and the victim’s or community’s investigations and pursuits still continued, as did victim and community discretion about how to treat a suspect.

1830: van de Belgische protonatie naar de natiestaat (deel 2)

2007 ◽  
Vol 66 (4) ◽  
pp. 303-321
Author(s):  
Lode Wils
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
The State ◽  
Nation State ◽  
The South ◽  
Public Office ◽  
The North ◽  
Ministerial Responsibility ◽  
The Government ◽  
The French Revolution

In het tweede deel van zijn bijdrage 1830: van de Belgische protonatie naar de natiestaat, over de gebeurtenissen van 1830-1831 als slotfase van een passage van de Belgische protonatie doorheen de grote politiek-maatschappelijke en culturele mutaties na de Franse Revolutie, ontwikkelt Lode Wils de stelling dat de periode 1829-1830 de "terminale crisis" vormde van het Koninkrijk der Verenigde Nederlanden. Terwijl koning Willem I definitief had laten verstaan dat hij de ministeriële verantwoordelijkheid definitief afwees en elke kritiek op het regime beschouwde als kritiek op de dynastie, groeide in het Zuiden de synergie in het verzet tussen klerikalen, liberalen en radicale anti-autoritaire groepen. In de vervreemding tussen het Noorden en het Zuiden en de uiteindelijke revolutionaire nationaal-liberale oppositie vanuit het Zuiden, speelde de taalproblematiek een minder belangrijke rol dan het klerikale element en de liberale aversie tegen het vorstelijk absolutisme van Willem I en de aangevoelde uitsluiting van de Belgen uit het openbaar ambt en vooral uit de leiding van de staat.________1830: from the Belgian pre-nation to the nation stateIn the second part of his contribution 1830: from the Belgian pre-nation to the nation state, dealing with the events from 1830-1831 as the concluding phase of a transition of the Belgian pre-nation through the major socio-political and cultural mutations after the French Revolution, Lode Wils develops the thesis that the period of 1829-1830 constituted the "terminal crisis" of the Kingdom of the United Netherlands. Whilst King William I had clearly given to understand that he definitively rejected ministerial responsibility and that he considered any criticism of the regime as a criticism of the dynasty, the synergy of resistance increased between the clericalists, liberals and radical anti-authoritarian groups in the South. In the alienation between the North and the South and the ultimate revolutionary national-liberal opposition from the South the language issue played a less important role than the clericalist element and the liberal aversion against the royal absolutism of William I and the sense of exclusion of the Belgians from public office and particularly from the government of the state.

Rosenau's adaptive behaviour approach – a critique

1981 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-126 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steve Smith
Keyword(s):  
Political Science ◽  
Systems Theory ◽  
Systems Analysis ◽  
Political System ◽  
State Level ◽  
The State ◽  
Adaptive Behaviour ◽  
Systemic Level ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Level Of Analysis

With the widespread usage of systems analysis in political science over the last twenty years it is axiomatic that the problem of adaptation has been a recurring theme in the literature. At the level of the individual political system this concern has been germane to the work of Easton, the structural functionalists and the developmental/modernization writers. In International Politics writing, the problem of adaptation is central to both the applications of systems theory, at whatever level of analysis (for example Kaplan, Rosecrance at the systemic level, and Hanrieder and Modelski at the state level) and the less overtly theoretical works which still emphasize the importance of a state adapting to its environment.

Lauener, Michael, Schutz der Kirche und Stabilität des Staates durch Absenz von religiöser ,Seichtigkeit': die religionspolitischen Anschauungen von Jeremias Gotthelf und Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel aus dem Geist der Versöhnung

2019 ◽  
Vol 105 (1) ◽  
pp. 280-349
Author(s):  
Michael Lauener
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel ◽  
Church And State ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Strong State ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
The World ◽  
The Church ◽  
The French Revolution

Abstract Protection of the church and state stability through the absence of religious 'shallowness': views on religion-policy of Jeremias Gotthelf and Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel out of a spirit of reconciliation. The article re-examines a thesis of Paul Baumgartner published in 1945: "Jeremias Gotthelf's, 'Zeitgeist and Bernergeist', A Study on Introduction and Interpretation", that if the Swiss writer and keen Hegel-opponent Jeremias Gotthelf had read any book of the philosopher Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, some of this would have received his recognition. Both Gotthelf and Hegel see the Reformation to be the cause of the emergence of a strong state. For Gotthelf, this marks the beginning of a process of strengthening the state at the expense of the church. Hegel, on the other hand, considers the modern state to be the reality of freedom, produced by the Christian 'religion of freedom' (Rph, §270 Z., p. 430). In contrast to Gotthelf, for whom only Christ can reconcile the state and religion, Hegel praises the French Revolution as "reconciliation of the divine with the world". For Gotthelf, the French Revolution was only a poor imitation of the process of spiritual and political liberation initiated by the Reformation, through which Christ reduced people to their original liberty. Nevertheless, both Gotthelf and Hegel want to protect the state and the church from falling apart, they reject organizational unity of state – religion – church in the sense of a theocracy, and demand the protection of church communities.

Bosnia's paralysed institutions add to sense of chaos

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Economic Crisis ◽  
State Level ◽  
The State ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
State Budget ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Eu ◽  
Level Government ◽  
Political Disputes

Significance Intensified political disputes between the main parties are holding up the state budget for 2020, including funding for local elections in November. They also threaten to weaken the response to the looming socio-economic crisis from the COVID-19 pandemic. Impacts The US entry ban on former senior SDA member Amir Zukic is seen as an attempt to persuade the party to behave more responsibly. The EU is in a contest with China, Russia and Turkey to retain influence in the region. Pre-election positioning may explain the defection of Fahrudin Radoncic’s Union for a Better Future party from the state-level government.

scholarly journals Church and State during the French Revolution in the Works of J.M. Zakher

2020 ◽  
Vol 162 (6) ◽  
pp. 121-133
Author(s):  
A.A. Kutuzova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
18Th Century ◽  
Church And State ◽  
The State ◽  
French Society ◽  
Late 18Th Century ◽  
Comprehensive Picture ◽  
Revolutionary Period ◽  
The Church ◽  
The French Revolution

The relations between the church and the state during the revolutionary events in France in the late 18th century were discussed based on the works of Jakov Mikhailovich Zakher (1893–1963), an outstanding Soviet historian. J.M. Zakher’s works cast light on a number of questions: the general position of the church; the frame of people’s mind in the pre-revolutionary period; the emergence and development of the antireligious struggle; the roles played by J. Foucher and A. Schomet, two most prominent public figures of the deсhristianization movement who triggered the most dramatic changes in the spiritual framework of the French society; etc. It was concluded that, despite a whole complex of studies have been performed on the French Revolution, the works of J.M. Zakher provide an important systematic coverage of the state-church relations in France during the 18th century. His legacy clearly preserves the “École russe” traditions, such as thoroughness, scrupulousness and attention to details, as well as the desire to create a vivid and comprehensive picture of the past.

scholarly journals France

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adriana Skorupska
Keyword(s):  
Social Relations ◽  
State Level ◽  
The State ◽  
Regional Level ◽  
The Eu

The main objective of this chapter is to characterise the activities between French regions and Chinese provinces or cities – their intensity, scopes, advantages and obstacles. Besides, as the context for the paradiplomacy, a broader perspective is briefly introduced focusing on the bilateral state, economic and social relations. An important question arises as to whether the relations at the state level correlate with the relations at the lower, regional, level. Taking the broader perspective into account, it is worth evaluating how the EU-China relation and the internal situation of China influence paradiplomacy.

Making Terrorism Thinkable: The Philosophy of the Act and Its European Reception

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Klaus Ries
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
French Revolution ◽  
Strong Influence ◽  
The State ◽  
Johann Gottlieb Fichte ◽  
State Terror ◽  
The Enlightenment ◽  
Mikhail Bakunin ◽  
The French Revolution

This chapter challenges the widespread assumption that terrorist ideology was invented in the mid-nineteenth century by such figures as Pierre-Joseph Proudhon and Mikhail Bakunin. Instead, the chapter argues, the foundations of terrorism were laid at the end of the eighteenth century by the Enlightenment philosopher Johann Gottlieb Fichte and his disciples, who in turn exerted a strong influence on later radical thinkers. In showing how the intellectual reverberations of the French Revolution gave rise to anarchist ideology as well as acts of terrorism in Germany, the chapter traces a link between the state terror of the French Revolution and the emergence of insurgent terrorism.

Desperation will drive Bosnian Serb leader's choices

2015 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
State Level ◽  
The State ◽  
Budget Deficits ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Reform Programme ◽  
20Th Anniversary ◽  
Republika Srpska ◽  
The Eu ◽  
The Imf

Subject The proposed Bosnian Serb referendum on the state-level judiciary. Significance The Serb-dominated entity of Republika Srpska (RS) is proposing a referendum challenging the authority of the Bosnia-Hercegovina (BiH) judiciary and Bosnia's weakened international supervisor, the high representative. The initiative comes amid already heightened tensions relating to the 20th anniversary of the Srebrenica massacre. Such a referendum would challenge Bosnia's territorial and constitutional sovereignty. Impacts A strongly worded US embassy statement on the referendum has warned of possible legal actions against the RS leadership. The EU reaction has been softer, reflecting diverging US-EU views of the seriousness of the problem and how to resolve it. Failing agreement on a reform programme with the IMF, Bosnia's two entities must turn to private lenders to finance budget deficits.

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