scholarly journals The Architecture of Separation: Israeli Policy towards the Palestinians in the West Bank

2016 ◽  
Vol 19 ◽  
pp. 149-177
Author(s):  
Paulina Codogni

According to the classic view of architecture, its primary function is to create spatial law and order so as to improve the functioning of man in the architectural environment. Classical works on the theory of architecture focused on those qualities that portrayed architecture as having a clearly positive dimension, the pursuit of which should be the primary task of an architect. Is it true, however, that architecture has only one common meaning? This assertion is undermined by buildings constructed on borderlands, which are imposed on one community by another. An example is the wall being erected by Israel since 2002 to separate the state from the West Bank. While it has become a symbol of security and order for the Israelis, it is an emblem of enslavement and chaos for the Palestinians who have been trapped on the other side of the barrier.

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. p10
Author(s):  
Ayman R. Nazzal ◽  
Mohammad F. Khmous

This study investigates the inaccuracies manifested in the translation of dental terms from English into Arabic by Palestinian dentists. It underscores the fact that the translation of dental terms is part and parcel of technical translation; and accounts for the major causes and provides an adequate solution for such inaccuracies.The findings of the study point out the shortcomings of using different dental translation strategies simultaneously for the same term and point out that the experience and the institutional background of the dentists have a profound impact on the accuracy of translating dental terms. The findings have also underlined the difference between technical and conventional translation rules. While the study points out that dentists have used Arabicisation, transliteration, and descriptive translation strategies for the accomplishment of adequate equivalences in the translation of dental terms, it has shown also that Arabicisation is highly neglected and rarely used by dentists in comparison with the other two translation strategies. Transliteration is the most common especially among specialists and descriptive is mainly used by dentists with non-specialists.The methodology used in this study relied heavily on the data taken from a pilot study, carried out through the distribution of a questionnaire to a hundred dentists at the American University in the city of Jenin and in the city of Nablus on the West Bank, followed with a number of personal interviews with a number of dentists.


2010 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 66-81
Author(s):  
Philip J. Dermer

The following document, previously unpublished, was written in March 2010 by a recently retired ( June 2009) U.S. Army colonel with thirty years experience in the Middle East, including tours of duty and advisory roles (in both military/security and civilian domains) from North Africa to the Persian Gulf. The subject of the informal report is the author's first two trips as a "civilian" to Israel and the West Bank, where he had served two tours of duty, most recently as U.S. military attachéé in Tel Aviv during Israel's 2005 unilateral disengagement from Gaza and the formation of the U.S. Security Coordinator's (USSC) mission to reform Palestinian Authority (PA) security forces. Written as an internal document for military colleagues and government circles, the report has been circulating widely——as did the author's earlier briefings on travel or missions in Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, Egypt, and especially Iraq——among White House senior staff, the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the Defense Intelligence Agency, CENTCOM (U.S. Central Command), EUCOM (U.S. European Command), and the USSC team. The document's focus is the state of the "peace process" and the current situation in the West Bank, with particular attention to the PA security forces and the changes on the ground since the author's last tour there ended in mid-2007. But the real interest of the paper lies in the message directed at its intended audience of military and government policy officials——that is, its frank assessment of the deficiencies of the U.S. peace effort and the wider U.S. policy-making system in the Israel-Palestine arena, with particular emphasis on the disconnect between the situation on the ground and the process led by Washington. The critique has special resonance in light of the emerging new thinking in the administration fueled by the military high command's unhappiness (expressed by CENTCOM commander General David Petraeus and Joint Chiefs of Staff chairman Admiral Michael Mullen) with the State Department's handling of Middle East diplomacy, especially with regard to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, on the grounds that diplomatic failures are having a negative impact on U.S. operations elsewhere in the region. For most JPS readers, the report has additional interest as an insider's view of the U.S. security presence in the Israel-Palestine arena. It also reflects a military approach that is often referenced but largely absent in public discourse and academic writings. The author, in addition to his tours of duty and peacekeeping missions in various Middle Eastern countries, has served as advisor to two U.S. special Middle East envoys, the U.S. negotiating team with Syria, General Petraeus, Lieutenant General Keith Dayton, Vice President Dick Cheney, and, more generally, to CENTCOM, the Department of Defense, and the Joint Chiefs of Staff, among others. In retirement, he has worked with CENTCOM as a key primary subject matter expert in the development of analyses and solutions for its area of responsibility, leads predeployment briefings for army units heading to Iraq, and travels frequently to Iraq and elsewhere in the region as an independent consultant. He is currently in Afghanistan with the CENTCOM commander's Afghanistan-Pakistan Center of Excellence. The report, made available to JPS, is being published with the author's permission.


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 533-551
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Iwanek

Abstract This article focuses on how Hindu nationalists interpret the term ‘secularism’ in Hindi. I will refer to two Hindi translations of ‘secularism’: dharmnirpekṣtā and panthnirpekṣtā. The first one means indifference towards religion and the second indifference towards communities. My main point is that the Hindu nationalists’ strategy of referring to old, Sanskrit meanings of dharm (which means ‘law’ and ‘order’ aside ‘religion’ and other concepts) make it possible for them to criticise dharmnirpekṣtā and choose panthnirpekṣtā instead. Their position is that the state can only be indifferent to communities and not to dharm, as the latter would also mean being indifferent to ‘law’ and ‘order’. Such an approach helps the Hindu nationalists to claim to be in agreement with the idea of secular Indian state on one hand and promote their religion-linked ideology on the other.


Behaviour ◽  
1993 ◽  
Vol 125 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 67-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clive K. Catchpole ◽  
Armanda Rowell

AbstractSongs were recorded from a local population of 13 male wrens at Wraysbury Lakes, Berkshire, U.K. during 1991. Sonagraphic analysis revealed that there were 15 distinct song types in the population, and that each male had between three and six song types in his repertoire. Song sharing between neighbouring males was particularly high. Six of the males in the population were on the east bank of the lake, separated from the other seven on the west bank by 200 metres of open water. Although three song types were distributed over the whole area, six were unique to the east bank and six to the west. Any male could be classified as an east or west bank male, by the possession of several distinct song types unique to each 'dialect' area. So far, clear examples of dialects have been largely restricted to species with only one or two song types in their repertoires. Song sharing and the development of local dialects in the wren are discussed in relation to current views on mechanisms of social learning in songbirds.


1988 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-125 ◽  
Author(s):  
GREGG O. KVISTAD

This article argues that ideas of the state are crucial for understanding contemporary politics in so-called “state-societies” like West Germany. It argues that the recent protracted and divisive political battle over state employee personnel policy in the Federal Republic needs to be understood as a conflict involving the power of two nineteenthcentury ideas of the German state, on the one hand, and the general modernization of the West German state and transformation of West German elite and mass political culture, on the other.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 160-171
Author(s):  
Montaser Motia Ujvari

This study looks at the linguistic landscape in Huwwara, a Palestinian town in the north of the West Bank located in Area C, which is, in line with the Oslo II accord, under Israeli control. Two areas on the main street of Huwwara were investigated: Huwwara center and Huwwara outskirts. Bottom-up signs in both areas were classified according to the languages they were written in. The signs were further classified according to language choice on the signs of businesses in each area. The aim of this study was to investigate the presence of different languages in the linguistic landscape of a Palestinian town where Arabic, English and Hebrew are in contact. A total of 297 signs were analysed. It was found that Arabic is the most prevalent language in the linguistic landscape in the two investigated areas. In addition, it was found that there is a strong presence of Hebrew on the outskirts of Huwwara, mainly on signs of automotive and household businesses. English, on the other hand, was found to have a moderate presence in Huwwara with no difference between the two areas investigated. These results suggest that the use of Arabic has both an informational and a symbolic function, whilst the use of Hebrew has an informational function, and the use of English has a symbolic function.


Author(s):  
Dov Waxman

Why are the West Bank and Gaza Strip considered “occupied territories”? The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has always been fought with words as well as weapons. The public rhetoric of both sides, and their respective supporters, has been deliberately formulated to discredit the other side’s claims, delegitimize...


1994 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 217-236 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raphael Cohen-Almagor

It has been argued that the difference between liberal states and theocratic, communist or fascist states is not that the liberal states promote different ideals of the good, but that they promote none. Unlike illiberal states, which regard it as a primary function of the state to prescribe the moral character of society, liberal states shun such attempts and allow freedom to citizens to develop their own conceptions.The aim of this paper is to analyze the notions of “conception of the good” and “neutrality” and to suggest a perspective which provides a middle ground between strict perfectionism, on the one hand, and complete neutrality, on the other. This perspective would allow plurality and diversity without resorting to absolute neutrality. It would involve some form of perfectionism without resorting to coercion. I will assert that liberal states do resort to some forms of perfectionism in conducting their policies. I will further argue that the policy they should adhere to is one of impartiality rather than one of neutrality.


2005 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-199

The ICG's 36-page report, ““Who Governs the West Bank? Palestinian Administration under Israeli Occupation,““ is based on months of research in the West Bank by a team of analysts. It covers not only the Palestinian Authority and its affiliated institutions and forces, but also the informal networks, political parties and movements, and the issues of law and order and the prospects for local and national elections. The following excerpts concern the PA and the al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigade. Footnotes have been omitted for reasons of space. The entire report can be found at www.icg.org.


2020 ◽  
Vol 114 (2) ◽  
pp. 296-301

On November 18, 2019, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo stated that the “establishment of Israeli civilian settlements in the West Bank is not per se inconsistent with international law.” This announcement contrasts with the approach taken by the State Department late in the Obama administration. Although embraced by Israel, the position announced by Pompeo was criticized by Palestinians, Security Council members and other states, who maintain that Israeli settlements in the West Bank violate international law. In January of 2020, the Trump administration released its proposed peace plan for the Israelis and Palestinians, which met with approval from Israeli leaders and rejection from Palestinian leaders.


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