scholarly journals Nation-building oraz nation-preserving w Polsce w dobie transformacji i integracji europejskiej

2020 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-123
Author(s):  
Tomasz Grzegorz Grosse

The aim of the article is to show the centuries-old tradition of Polish elites working for nation-building and nation-preserving purposes. It dates back to at least the 18th century. The nation-preserving formula was developed in the 19th century, that is, during the partitions, when the Polish nation did not have its own statehood. In the first part of the article, I describe the specificity of Poles’ historical experiences, primarily after the partitions that took place at the end of the 18th century. I try to indicate three main approaches to nation-building (and nation-preserving) activities during this period. In the next part of the article, I try to show that this tradition lasted during the period of political transformation and European integration. While the nation-building approach, related to the reconstruction of sovereign statehood, democracy and a political nation, was dominant in the first case, the nation-preserving policy was observed more often, especially among the right-wing elites, after joining the EU, primarily due to the experiences of subsequent European crises.

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 24-28
Author(s):  
Jerzy Supady

The Enlightenment ideology and the French Revolution had a very negative impact on the activities of religious congregations in respect of nursing care of the sick in hospitals in the 18th century. Emperor Napoleon I attempted to improve the existing situation by restoring the right for nursing care to nuns. In the first half of the 19th century, in Germany catholic religious orders had the obligation to provide nursing care and in the 30’s of the 19th century the Evangelical Church also joined charity work in hospitals by employing laywomen, i.e. deaconesses.


2019 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 29-54
Author(s):  
Adam Wielomski

DIALECTICS ‘WE’–‘ALIENS’ IN RIGHT-WING POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY 1789–1945 The aim of the author of this text is to polemicize with the stereotype according to which nationalism is a synonym of the “extreme right.” For this purpose the method of historical exemplification was used. Part I of this text is devoted to defining the concept of the “right” and to present the supporters of the French Revolution and other 19th-century revolutions, their idea of nationalism, the nation-state and sovereignty of the nation. This presentation shows that up to 1890 nationalism is located in the revolutionary left. The first nationalists are Jacobins. The counter-revolutionary right is opposed to nationalism. For this right, nationalism is combined with the idea of empowering nations to the rights of self-determination, which is closely connected with the idea of people’s sovereignty. This situation persists until 1870–1914, when the ideas of national sovereignty are implemented in the politics of the modern states. However, the liberal state does not meet the expectations of nationalists, because it neglects the interests of the nation as the highest value. That is the cause for them moving from the political left to the right part of the political scene, replacing the legitimist right. The latter is annihilated with the decline of aristocracy. In the 19th century, the left is nationalistic and xenophobic. We find clear racist sympathies on the left. The political right does not recognize the right of nations to self-determination, the idea of ethnic boundaries. It is cosmopolitan.


2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 406-422 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chih-Mei Luo

The 2014 European Parliament (EP) election resulted in the rise of populist right-wing parties (PRPs). This paper aims to answer: why PRPs were able to rise in the 2014 EP election; what messages were delivered by the election results regarding European integration; and whether or not policy-makers addressed the messages correctly with the right policy responses? After examining the competing interpretations, this paper argues that a deep disillusionment and crisis of trust in the political establishment, which derived from the long neglect of deteriorating distributional justice and fairness in European integration, which became acute after the euro crisis mismanagement, explains the 2014 EP election results. This paper, accordingly, argues that policy redirection of EU economic governance and the addressing of a ‘social Europe’ are required to regain political trust. After assessing the policy responses taken by the EU, an economic Europe is expected to revive, but the required social Europe will still remain absent.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (5) ◽  
pp. 7-50
Author(s):  
Safet Bandžović ◽  

Knowledge of world / European history is important for a more complete understanding of complex processes, for comparisons and placing national and regional history in a broader context that provides more meaningful answers. What determines the course of history is sometimes “a series of smaller events in the midst of the context of big ideas”. The borders of the region are determined by geographical, cultural and geopolitical characteristics, as well as the political interests of those builders whose interpretation has dominance. In expanding or narrowing the territory of the Balkans, politics was usually more decisive than geography. Historical events in that area should be presented from the positions of all its peoples, including Muslim communities. Their narratives also form a legitimate part of the picture of that past. Muslims were not the “favorites” of multiple Balkan historiographies that minimized and marginalized their component, functioning as factors shaping their own national and political ideologies. Historiography does not only deal with the reconstruction of the past, but, with all the difficulties and pitfalls, it also interprets it. A fragmentary study of the destinies of Muslim communities hinders the identification of the broader processes and common denominators of their parcelized history. The processes of de-Ottomanization and Balkanization also led to their particular consciousness within the newly formed, post-Ottoman states. Their historical experience is largely not “condensed, preserved, and generationally transmitted”. The attitude that Muslims are “foreigners” in Europe is part of the mentality and process known as the “Eastern Question”. Minds are not too prone to change. Calling all Muslims “Turks” is not the result of ignorance, but of a concrete attitude. It was not until the Berlin Congress of 1878 that the question of their protection became somewhat relevant. The system of such protection was inadequate, without supervisory mechanisms to control the implementation of commitments. Major political changes most often brought about religious and ethnic changes and displacements in the Balkans. In the study of the decades-long process of formation of the Serbian state in the 19th century in the area of the Smederevo Sandzak and the emigration of Muslims from it, special attention is paid to the fate of two small settlements (Mali Zvornik and Sakar) on the right bank of the Drina. After the surrender of the towns to the Serbs in 1862, only Mali Zvornik and Sakar remained in the hands of the Muslims. The origin of the settlement of Mali Zvornik is connected to the existence of the Zvornik fortress and the town of Zvornik on the left bank of the Drina, which was first mentioned in 1412. Mali Zvornik grew on the right bank of the Drina as part of the town of Zvornik. In the first half of the 18th century, travel writers mention that Mala or Mahala of the Bosnian town of Zvornik, whose inhabitants were called Maholjani, was located there. South of Mali Zvornik lies village of Sakar. In the 19th century, in Mali Zvornik and Sakar, on the border with the Smederevo Sandzak, Muslims made up the majority of the population. As only the Drina separated them from the settlements of Divič and Tabaci on its other side, the inhabitants of these settlements were firmly connected by kinship, friendship and marriage, and they were economically oriented towards each other. The Principality of Serbia was persistent in its demands to get Mali Zvornik and Sakar, having in mind their geostrategic position. By the decision of the Berlin Congress in 1878, they became part of Serbia. Until 1912, these were the only settlements in it with a majority Muslim population. They lost that majority over time. What is conditionally called “local” history, in addition to great narratives, indicates, confirmed by various experiences, the multidimensionality of the past, its features and specifics in a particular area.


2013 ◽  
Vol 118 (4) ◽  
pp. 739-745 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeremy C. Ganz

The aim of this paper was to elucidate the evolution of our understanding of the term “lucid interval.” A number of texts were reviewed to assess their suitability for analysis. The primary requirement was that the text contain detailed descriptions of a series of patients. Details of the clinical course, the findings and timing of surgery, and, when relevant, the time of death and postmortem findings were required. Books written by Henri-François Le Dran, Percival Pott, and James Hill fulfilled these criteria. Surgical findings included the presence and type of fractures, changes in the bone, separation of periosteum, malodorous or purulent material, tense brain, and hematoma. Postmortem findings supplemented and/or complemented the surgical findings. The courses of the patients were then tabulated, and the correlation between different clinical and operative findings was thereby determined. Our understanding of a lucid interval began in the early 18th century with the work of Henri-François Le Dran and Percival Pott in London. They did not, however, demonstrate an interval without symptoms between trauma and deterioration in patients with epidural hematomas (EDHs). The interval they described was longer than usually expected with EDHs and occurred exclusively in patients who had a posttraumatic infection. In 1751, James Hill, from Dumfries, Scotland, described the first hematoma-related lucid interval in a patient with a subdural hematoma. The first case of a lucid interval associated with an EDH was described by John Abernethy. In the 19th century, Jonathan Hutchinson and Walter Jacobson described the interval as it is known today, in cases of EDH. The most recent work on the topic came from studies in Cincinnati and Oslo, where it was demonstrated that bleeding can separate dura mater and that hemorrhage into the epidural space can be shunted out via the veins. This shunting could delay the accumulation of a hematoma and thus the rise in intracranial pressure, which in turn would delay the development of symptoms. The lucid interval as previously conceived was not properly understood by the French school or by Percival Pott and Benjamin Bell, who all described a symptom-free period prior to the development of infection. The first to have a proper understanding of the interval in relation to an EDH was John Abernethy. The modern description and definition of the lucid interval was the work of Hutchinson and Jacobson in the latter half of the 19th century. Understanding of the pathophysiology of the lucid interval has been advanced by the work of Ford and McLaurin in Cincinnati and a group in Oslo, with the demonstration of what it takes to loosen dura and how an arteriovenous shunt slows down for a while the accumulation of an EDH.


Author(s):  
Liubomyr Ilyn

Purpose. The purpose of the article is to analyze and systematize the views of social and political thinkers of Galicia in the 19th - beginning of the 20th centuries. on the right and manner of organizing a nation-state as a cathedral. Method. The methodology includes a set of general scientific, special legal, special historical and philosophical methods of scientific knowledge, as well as the principles of objectivity, historicism, systematic and comprehensive. The problem-chronological approach made it possible to identify the main stages of the evolution of the content of the idea of catholicity in Galicia's legal thought of the 19th century. Results. It is established that the idea of catholicity, which was borrowed from church terminology, during the nineteenth century. acquired clear legal and philosophical features that turned it into an effective principle of achieving state unity and integrity. For the Ukrainian statesmen of the 19th century. the idea of catholicity became fundamental in view of the separation of Ukrainians between the Russian and Austro-Hungarian empires. The idea of unity of Ukrainians of Galicia and the Dnieper region, formulated for the first time by the members of the Russian Trinity, underwent a long evolution and received theoretical reflection in the work of Bachynsky's «Ukraine irredenta». It is established that catholicity should be understood as a legal principle, according to which decisions are made in dialogue, by consensus, and thus able to satisfy the absolute majority of citizens of the state. For Galician Ukrainians, the principle of unity in the nineteenth century. implemented through the prism of «state» and «international» approaches. Scientific novelty. The main stages of formation and development of the idea of catholicity in the views of social and political figures of Halychyna of the XIX – beginning of the XX centuries are highlighted in the work. and highlighting the distinctive features of «national statehood» that they promoted and understood as possible in the process of unification of Ukrainian lands into one state. Practical significance. The results of the study can be used in further historical and legal studies, preparation of special courses.


2020 ◽  
Vol 102 ◽  
pp. 656-676
Author(s):  
Igor V. Omeliyanchuk

The article examines the main forms and methods of agitation and propagandistic activities of monarchic parties in Russia in the beginning of the 20th century. Among them the author singles out such ones as periodical press, publication of books, brochures and flyers, organization of manifestations, religious processions, public prayers and funeral services, sending deputations to the monarch, organization of public lectures and readings for the people, as well as various philanthropic events. Using various forms of propagandistic activities the monarchists aspired to embrace all social groups and classes of the population in order to organize all-class and all-estate political movement in support of the autocracy. While they gained certain success in promoting their ideology, the Rights, nevertheless, lost to their adversaries from the radical opposition camp, as the monarchists constrained by their conservative ideology, could not promise immediate social and political changes to the population, and that fact was excessively used by their opponents. Moreover, the ideological paradigm of the Right camp expressed in the “Orthodoxy, Autocracy, Nationality” formula no longer agreed with the social and economic realities of Russia due to modernization processes that were underway in the country from the middle of the 19th century.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nurman Kholis

Abstract. Many Muslims in the Riau Islands do not know the history of the development of Islamic theory from the center of power to spread to various corners. This is as the existence of the Great Mosque of Raja Haji Abdul Ghani (MBRHAG) on Buru Island, Karimun. Thus, to uncover the existence of this mosque, qualitative research methods are used so that history, architecture, and socio-religious functions can be known. Based on the results of the study it was concluded that the establishment of MBRHAG was initiated by Raja Haji Abdul Ghani. He was the first Amir (sub-district level government) of the kingdom of Riau-Lingga on Buru Island, in the 19th century. The architecture is a Chinese. Therefore, on the right side of this mosque is around 200 m, there is also the Sam Po Teng Temple and the Tri Dharma Dewa Bumi. Thus, the close location of the mosque with Chinese and Confucian worship houses's shows a harmonious relationship between Malay Muslims and Chinese Buddhists. In fact, in the continuation of this relationship there was information that a Chinese Buddhist had joined a Muslim friend to fast for half a month of Ramadan.Keywords: Mosque, Malay Muslims, Chinese Buddhists/Confucians, Harmonious RelationsAbstrak. Umat Islam di Kepulauan Riau banyak yang tidak mengenal sejarah perkembangan ajaran Islam dari pusat kekuasaan hingga tersebar ke berbagai pelosok. Hal ini sebagaimana keberadaan Masjid Besar Raja Haji Abdul Ghani (MBRHAG) di Pulau Buru, Karimun. Dengan demikian, untuk mengungkapkan keberadaan masjid ini digunakan metode penelitian kualitatif  agar dapat diketahui sejarah, arsitektur, dan fungsi sosial keagamaannya.  Berdasarkan hasil penelitian diperoleh kesimpulan bahwa pendirian MBRHAG diprakarsai oleh Raja Haji Abdul Ghani. Ia adalah Amir (pemerintah setingkat kecamatan) pertama kerajaan Riau-Lingga di Pulau Buru, pada abad ke-19. Adapun arsitekturnya adalah seorang Tionghoa. Karena itu, di sebelah kanan masjid ini sekitar 200 m juga terdapat Kelenteng Sam Po Teng dan cetya Tri Dharma Dewa Bumi. Dengan demikian, dekatnya lokasi masjid dengan rumah ibadah umat Tionghoa dan Khonghucu ini menunjukkan hubungan yang harmonis antara muslim Melayu dengan Budhis Tionghoa. Bahkan, dalam kelangsungan hubungan ini terdapat informasi seorang Buddhis Tionghoa pernah ikut temannya yang beragama muslim untuk berpuasa selama setengah bulan Ramadhan.Kata Kunci: Masjid, Muslim Melayu, Buddhis/Khonghucu Tionghoa, Hubungan Harmonis


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
David San Narciso

Abstract The competing ideologies of nation and monarchy had a troubled beginning in the 19th century, insomuch as they derived partly from two opposing sources of legitimacy. However, from the 1830s on, their supporters achieved the establishment of an interspecific and mutually advantageous relationship. The nation gradually managed to prevail over the monarchy, justifying its presence in national terms. However, the monarchy possessed something longed for by liberal nationalists: historical legitimacy. Thus, the crown served Romantic nationalism in its search for national foundations and to generate national emotions of a collective sense of belonging. This article analyses this process by focusing on the Spanish case and using a vast range of cultural sources. I reason that the monarchy’s history was intensively used in Isabel II’s reign (1833–1868), both by the monarch herself as well as nationalist elites, to legitimate and justify their presence in the liberal world. The article is divided into three sections. The first part locates the problem into a general process that touched all the crowned heads of Europe. The second section studies the appeal of exemplary medieval monarchs in the liberal hunt for national roots. The final one focuses on the particular case of Isabel the Catholic because of the remarkable prominence it acquired.


1979 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 247-255 ◽  
Author(s):  
John C. Kramer

Opium smoking began spreading slowly but steadily in China from early in the 18th Century. It grew through the 19th Century to the point that by the end of the century it became a nearly universal practice among males in some regions. While estimates vary, it appears that most smokers consumed six grams or less daily. Addicted smokers were occasionally found among those smoking as little as three grams daily, but more often addicted smokers reported use of about 12 grams a day or more. An individual smoking twelve grams of opium probably ingests about 80 mg. of morphine. Thirty mg. of morphine daily may induce some withdrawal signs, while 60 mg. daily are clearly addicting. While testimony varied widely, it appears likely that most opium smokers were not disabled by their practice. This appears to be the case today, too, among those peoples in southeast Asia who have continued to smoke opium. There appear to be social and perhaps psychophysiological forces which work toward limiting the liabilities of drug use.


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