scholarly journals EDUCATION POLICY IN THE PROGRAMS OF POLITICAL PARTIES (ON THE EXAMPLE OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION AND FAIR RUSSIA PARTY)

Author(s):  
Г.М. ГАЛКИНА

В статье рассматривается образовательная политика современной России в контексте государственного управления и влияния на нее отдельных политических партий левого толка. В этой связи приведены ключевые элементы административно-правового регулирования рассматриваемой сферы, в том числе и в рамках реализации профильного национального проекта «Образование». Анализируя вопросы образовательной политики в программах политических партий автором акцентировано внимание на политической программе партий левого толка, имеющих свое представительство в российском парламенте. Такой выбор обусловлен традиционной значимостью для левых проблематики поддержания уровня социальных благ, в том числе и общедоступного образования, для максимально широкого круга лиц. При этом, отмечается такая особенность российской партийной системы, как доминирующая политическая партия, активно взаимодействующая с органами исполнительной власти и, таким образом, являющейся значимым актором политических процессов в области формирования государственной политики в сфере образования.

2021 ◽  
pp. 102-111
Author(s):  
M.S. Kozyrev ◽  

The purpose of this study is to determine the social status and environment of the counter-elite groups of the legal left opposition, represented by such political parties as the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and A Just Russia. The study is based on the relationship between social reality and ideology. The latter is not only a cover or justification by certain social groups of their momentary interests (private ideology), but also a reflection of the social position they occupy (total ideology). Some elements of self-positioning of the left legal elite, its social position and environment, attitude to the socio-economic formation existing in modern Russia, as well as a number of other nuances of the social structure of the Russian Federation are determined. In particular, it was established that Party representatives are not associated with the business elite; the desire to increase the number of supporters of left-wing parties should explain the refusal to focus on any particular social class and the active use of national identity (primarily Russians) in their ideological self-positioning; the circle of social contacts of the leaders of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and “Fair Russia” is limited to groups of the bureaucratic and economic elite, as well as the sub-elite “expert” community (they do not enter into direct social contacts with other social groups); the social position of representatives of the two parties of the legal left opposition is generally similar.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (5) ◽  
pp. 87-95
Author(s):  
D.L. TSYBAKOV ◽  

The purpose of the article is to assess the nature of the evolution of the institution of political parties in post – Soviet Russia. The article substantiates that political parties continue to be one of the leading political institutions in the modern Russian Federation. The premature to recognize the functional incapacity of party institutions in the post-industrial/information society is noted. It is argued that political parties continue to be a link between society and state power, and retain the potential for targeted and regular influence on strategic directions of social development. The research methodology is based on the principles of consistency, which allowed us to analyze various sources of information and empirical data on trends and prospects for the evolution of the party system in the Russian Federation. As a result, the authors come to the conclusion that in Russian conditions the convergence of party elites with state bureaucracy is increasing, and there is a distance between political parties and civil society.


2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-179
Author(s):  
Andrey Vershinin

The article examines the issue of exercising the freedom of association in political parties in Russia in a comparative analysis with the leading democratic countries of the world. Modern democracies cannot be imagined without political parties, which are the representors of the interests of their voters in legislative bodies and local government bodies. The development of civil society and the entire political system in the country depends on how the freedom of association in political parties and the access of parties to participate in elections is realized. The development of legislation on political parties in the Russian Federation proceeded unevenly. In the first years after the adoption of the Constitution the legislative body did not introduce strict requirements for parties. The adoption of a special federal law on political parties in 2001 became a turning point in the development of the party system. The author identifies two large blocks of restrictions on the creation of parties. The first is legislative restrictions, the second is the restrictions that arise from the unfair activities of legislative and law enforcement agencies. In this work, legislative restrictions are compared with restrictions in other democracies, as well as based on legal positions developed by the European Court of Human Rights. The author comes to the opinion that some restrictions on the creation of parties are not necessary now, in the meantime they significantly narrow the possibilities of party creation and political competition. First, we are talking about a ban on the creation of regional parties. The Constitutional Court in its legal positions indicated that this restriction is temporary and will be lifted over time. Within the framework of this work, the author will give suggestions on changing the approach to the creation of political parties in Russia, which should affect the emergence of new strong parties at different levels of public authority. The author believes that a system of “controlled multiparty system” has developed in Russia, which is implemented both in changing the legislation on political parties based on the interests of the “party in power” and the practice of the registration body, which prevents the formation of new parties claiming to redistribute the existing distribution of forces. Based on the analysis of the legislation on political parties, law enforcement practice, decisions of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation, the ECHR and the legislation of foreign countries, the author proposes approaches to reforming the existing party system, which include small cosmetic changes and large-scale changes in approaches to the creation of parties.


2021 ◽  
pp. 205-225
Author(s):  
Arkady Lyubarev

Correlation coefficients between the results of political parties in the 2016 State Duma elections in the Russian Federation as a whole and in 26 regions, as well as in the elections of regional parliaments of 35 subjects of the Russian Federation in 2012–2015 were calculated. For the 2016 State Duma elections, data was used at all levels – regions, single-member electoral districts, TEC and PEC. It is noted that the “United Russia” correlations with all major parties are generally negative. A fairly high level of correlation is observed between the liberal parties. The main focus is on correlations between parliamentary opposition parties and parties with similar names. The correlation coefficients between the results of parties and candidates in the State Duma elections of 2011 and 2016 and the Presidential elections of 2012 and 2018 were also calculated, showing the stability of the geographical distribution of the electorate of the main parties. Regional differences in the nature of correlations between the main political parties are noted. It is assumed that correlations between parties reflect not so much their ideological closeness as the social closeness of their electorate. In this regard, it is noted that a positive correlation between the results of ideologically distant parties (“Yabloko” and the Communist party or “Yabloko” and “Rodina”) is associated with their reliance on the urban electorate and, perhaps, its most educated part. The reasons for voting for spoiler parties and the role of these parties in reducing the results of the main participants in the elections are discussed.


Internauka ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 209 (33) ◽  
Author(s):  
Владимир Евгеньевич Коптев-Дворников ◽  
Вадим Олегович Петров ◽  
Иван Валентинович Стариков

Author(s):  
D.A EZHOV ◽  

The article assesses the electoral prospects of new political parties registered by the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation in 2020, on the eve of the elections of deputies to the State Duma of the Russian Federation, scheduled for September 2021. Based on the results of regional elections held on a single voting day on September 13, 2020, party rhetoric and documents, the author consistently characterizes the electoral potential of the political parties such as «New People», «For Truth», «Green Alternative», and «Direct Democracy Party». The author's judgments are based on the hypothesis that the current electoral potential of new parties, which is fixed at a relatively low level, does not allow us to consider them as competitive and independent subjects in the election campaign at the start of the campaign. The likelihood of certain new parties receiving deputy mandates due to the victory of their candidates in single-mandate constituencies is emphasized. Special attention is paid to the consideration of methods of forming a pool of supporters of new political parties, determined by the specifics of their functioning.


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