scholarly journals ELECTIONS-2021: ON THE ASSESSMENT OF THE ELECTORAL PROSPECTS OF NEW POLITICAL PARTIES

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (34) ◽  
Author(s):  
D.A EZHOV ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
New Parties ◽  
Low Level ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
Regional Elections

The article assesses the electoral prospects of new political parties registered by the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation in 2020, on the eve of the elections of deputies to the State Duma of the Russian Federation, scheduled for September 2021. Based on the results of regional elections held on a single voting day on September 13, 2020, party rhetoric and documents, the author consistently characterizes the electoral potential of the political parties such as «New People», «For Truth», «Green Alternative», and «Direct Democracy Party». The author's judgments are based on the hypothesis that the current electoral potential of new parties, which is fixed at a relatively low level, does not allow us to consider them as competitive and independent subjects in the election campaign at the start of the campaign. The likelihood of certain new parties receiving deputy mandates due to the victory of their candidates in single-mandate constituencies is emphasized. Special attention is paid to the consideration of methods of forming a pool of supporters of new political parties, determined by the specifics of their functioning.

scholarly journals FEATURES OF THE FORMATION OF THE PARTY SYSTEM OF MODERN UKRAINE

2018 ◽  
pp. 8-15
Author(s):  
Іvan Pobochiy
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Orientation ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
National Interests ◽  
New Parties ◽  
The Public

The level of social harmony in society and the development of democracy depends to a large extent on the level of development of parties, their ideological and political orientation, methods and means of action. The purpose of the article is to study the party system of Ukraine and directions of its development, which is extremely complex and controversial. The methods. The research has led to the use of such scientific search methods as a system that allowed the party system of Ukraine to be considered as a holistic organism, and the historical and political method proved to be very effective in analyzing the historical preconditions and peculiarities of the formation of the party system. The results. The incompetent, colonial past and the associated cruel national oppression, terror, famine, and violent Russification caused the contradictory and dramatic nature of modernization, the actual absence of social groups and their leaders interested in it, and the relatively passive reaction of society to the challenges of history. Officials have been nominated by mafia clans, who were supposed to protect their interests and pursue their policies. Political struggle in the state took place not between influential political parties, but between territorial-regional clans. The party system of Ukraine after the Maidan and the beginning of the war on the Donbass were undergoing significant changes. On the political scene, new parties emerged in the course of the protests and after their completion — «Petro Poroshenko Bloc», «People’s Front», «Self-help»), which to some extent became spokespeople for not regional, but national interests. Pro-European direction is the main feature of the leading political parties that have formed a coalition in the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. Conclusion. The party system of Ukraine as a result of social processes is at the beginning of a new stage in its development, an important feature of which is the increase in the influence of society (direct and indirect) on the political life of the state. Obviously, there is a demand from the public for the emergence of new politicians, new leaders and new political forces that citizens would like to see first and foremost speakers and defenders of their interests.

scholarly journals Correlation analysis of voting results in the Russian federal and regional elections of 2011–2018

2021 ◽  
pp. 205-225
Author(s):  
Arkady Lyubarev
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
Correlation Coefficients ◽  
Social Closeness ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Stability ◽  
High Level ◽  
Regional Elections

Correlation coefficients between the results of political parties in the 2016 State Duma elections in the Russian Federation as a whole and in 26 regions, as well as in the elections of regional parliaments of 35 subjects of the Russian Federation in 2012–2015 were calculated. For the 2016 State Duma elections, data was used at all levels – regions, single-member electoral districts, TEC and PEC. It is noted that the “United Russia” correlations with all major parties are generally negative. A fairly high level of correlation is observed between the liberal parties. The main focus is on correlations between parliamentary opposition parties and parties with similar names. The correlation coefficients between the results of parties and candidates in the State Duma elections of 2011 and 2016 and the Presidential elections of 2012 and 2018 were also calculated, showing the stability of the geographical distribution of the electorate of the main parties. Regional differences in the nature of correlations between the main political parties are noted. It is assumed that correlations between parties reflect not so much their ideological closeness as the social closeness of their electorate. In this regard, it is noted that a positive correlation between the results of ideologically distant parties (“Yabloko” and the Communist party or “Yabloko” and “Rodina”) is associated with their reliance on the urban electorate and, perhaps, its most educated part. The reasons for voting for spoiler parties and the role of these parties in reducing the results of the main participants in the elections are discussed.

30 lat rosyjskiej polityki imigracyjnej i jej znaczenie z perspektywy Federacji Rosyjskiej i obszaru poradzieckiego

2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 365-378
Author(s):  
Andrzej Szabaciuk
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
Immigration Policy ◽  
Labor Migration ◽  
Population Policy ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Russian Government ◽  
Irregular Migrants ◽  
The Russian Federation

The article aims to analyze the immigration politics of the Russian Federation from the perspective of the last three decades after the collapse of the Soviet Union. We have considered its importance from the point of view of the domestic and foreign policy of the state. Since 2000, with the beginning of Vladimir Putin’s first presidency, we have been observing a significant increase in the importance of the immigration policy of the Russian Federation, which was an important component of the Russian population policy and one of the key instruments to counteract the deepening depopulation of the state. However, the growing popularity of labor migration to the Russian Federation and the low effectiveness of managing migration flows resulted in a massive influx of irregular migrants, which have used some of the Russian political circles to fuel anti-immigration sentiments. Because of this politics, since 2007, we have been observing a gradual departure from the earlier model of immigration policy, open to labor migration from the Commonwealth of Independent States, towards a policy limiting the influx of Muslim migrants from Central Asia. At the same time Russian government have invited Russian-speaking people from the post-Soviet area to settle in Russia. The introduced restrictions allowed the Russian Federation to use the facilitation of access to the Russian labor market as an instrument encouraging the political and economic integration of the post-Soviet states within the structures controlled by the Russian Federation. The increase in the political component of immigration policy did not change the fact that it was thanks to the influx of people from the post-Soviet area that Russia avoided the depopulation that is currently observed in Ukraine. Analyzing the situation of the Russian Federation and its politics towards the post-Soviet region, the realistic paradigm was used as it best reflects the specificity of the region.

scholarly journals ANALYSIS OF THE PROBLEMS OF INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT IN THE CONTEXT OF THE CHALLENGES OF THE INNOVATIVE ECONOMY

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (26) ◽  
pp. 62-72
Author(s):  
M.S. Starikova ◽  
◽  
L.V. Usatova ◽  
E.D Gyamfi ◽  
◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Russian Federation ◽  
Industrial Development ◽  
The State ◽  
Innovative Development ◽  
Low Level ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
Innovative Economy ◽  
Implementation Of The Strategy

The article summarizes modern problems and ways to improve industrial development in Russia, taking into account the challenges of an innovative economy. A comparison is made between the planned in the Strategy for the Innovative Development of the Russian Federation for the period up to 2020 and the actually achieved indicators reflecting the state of the industry. The conclusion is made about the low level of implementation of the Strategy and the need for further programmatic and methodological support for transformations, taking into account the guidelines of neo-industrialization.

Socio-political and economic processes in the constituent entities of the Russian Federation and the modern state policy of regional development

2020 ◽  
pp. 9-12
Author(s):  
Elena Ustinovich
Keyword(s):  
Regional Development ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
State Policy ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Modern State ◽  
The Russian Federation

This article presents the political, legal, and strategic foundations of the state policy of regional development. The main principles, goals, priority tasks, and mechanisms for implementing the state policy of regional development are analyzed.

scholarly journals Farce of the authoritarian regime: on the issue of amendments to the Russian Federation Constitution — 2020

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 41-49
Author(s):  
Yuriy Ershov
Keyword(s):  
Russian Federation ◽  
Political System ◽  
Authoritarian Regime ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Russian Federation

The article is devoted to assessing the reasons and meaning of amendments to the Russian Federation Constitution made by the current political regime. The manner in which the amendments were adopted together with their content demonstrates inability of the state and the political system as a whole to govern and rule in accordance with the principles and norms of democracy and law. The concept of “unworthy governing” is used to characterize the existing mechanism of power and management of society in Russia.

scholarly journals Why do the Russians succumb to the “strong-hand” government? Historical-cultural legitimacy of the Russian state leadership in the context of Yuri Pivovarov’s theory

2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-135
Author(s):  
Justyna Olędzka
Keyword(s):  
Russian Federation ◽  
Public Life ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Scientist ◽  
Low Level ◽  
Cultural Legitimacy ◽  
Russian State ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
Proper Interpretation

Abstract State leadership in Russia is determined by historical and cultural as well as by legal and institutional premises. The analysis of ways of obtaining legitimacy by state leaders of the Russian Federation is a borderline issue of political science, sociology, and history. The conditions that favor the creation of the archetype on the Russian ground are undoubtedly: extremely centralized political power in Russia (one central decision-making center whose decisions were arbitrarily arbitrary), the problem of the enforcement of the rules of the trilateral division of power (the legislative sphere dominated the legislature), the low level of control Social rulers (lack of effective legal mechanisms to verify the effects of their activities), paternalism of the leadership system and low participation of representative institutions in public life. The aim of the article is to situate in the field of considerations about the archetype of Russian power the concept of Yuri Pivovarov, according to which not only civilization baggage and the immaturity of civil society have decided the legitimacy of the state leadership of the Russian Federation. According to him, the problem of the participation of the political elite in the redistribution of goods (and the low level of participation of citizens in the process of ownership separation) is of significant importance. According to the theory of the Russian political scientist, the basis for understanding the phenomenon of Russian state leadership is the combination of elements of archetypal leadership with a proper interpretation of the relation of freedom – property.

scholarly journals Elections of Deputies of the State Duma of the Second Convocation (1995-1999): the Success of the Anti-reform Opposition, the Failure of the “Party of Power” and the Defeat of the Democrats (to the 30th Anniversary of the Russian Federation)

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 379-396
Author(s):  
Yu. A. Nisnevich
Keyword(s):  
Russian Federation ◽  
Historical Analysis ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
Active Interest ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
Electoral Corruption ◽  
Russian Politics

The article is devoted to the political and historical analysis of the elections of deputies of the State Duma of the second convocation in 1995. The political context of these elections is assessed as a confrontation between the “party in power” and the anti-reform opposition. To counteract the opposition, the “party in power” created its own political structure to participate in the elections — the movement “Our Home-Russia” (NDR), headed by Prime Minister Viktor Chernomyrdin. An analysis of the process of creating the PDR movement, which took place under the auspices of the Presidential Administration, confirms the use of the administrative resource of the presidential and executive powers in this process. The creation of the NDR movement led to the erosion of the reformist-democratic wing. The weakening of this flank was also facilitated by the fact that the political organizations forming it could not unite. Two leading political organizations with a reformist-democratic orientation — Yegor Gaidar’s Democratic Choice of Russia party and Grigory Yavlinsky’s Yabloko public association did not create a common electoral bloc, although there were objective prerequisites for this. A significant aspect of the 1995 election campaign was the fact that Russian industry corporations and financial and industrial groups began to show an active interest in the elections of deputies. They began to incorporate lobbyists of their interests into the parliamentary corps. At the elections of deputies of the State Duma of the second convocation in 1995. success accompanied the anti-reform opposition and, above all, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, failure befell the “party of power” represented by the NDR movement, and the reformist democrats who failed to unite suffered a crushing defeat. The State Duma of the second convocation had a pronounced anti-reform and oppositional character to the incumbent president and the executive branch, but at the same time it was a fairly independent political institution, which retained certain opportunities for competitive legislative activity and the search for compromises in crisis situations. The 1995 elections cannot be assessed as completely fair and free, and, starting with these elections, the bacillus of electoral corruption was introduced into the organism of Russian politics.

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