scholarly journals Origins of the Kalinowszczyzna district in Lublin: history, design principles and current condition

1970 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 61-70
Author(s):  
Michał Dmitruk

Lublin developed rapidly at the turn of the 1960s and 1970s. Large residential districts were designed on rural areas surrounding the city. Lublin was expanded in almost every geographical direction, in accordance to the principles specified in the 1959 city master plan. The Kalinowszczyzna district was located in the north, covering local hills and ravines, and replacing the former farm and manor it was subsequently named after. The housing estates constructed there were erected mainly by means of prefabricated elements, and included both flats and shops. They also played cultural and administrative functions. The plan’s implementation was launched in 1963 and came to an end in 1980s. Kalinowszczyzna is currently one of 27 administrative districts of Lublin and constitutes an essential part of the city.

Author(s):  
Aled Davies

The aim of this book has been to evaluate the relationship between Britain’s financial sector, based in the City of London, and the social democratic economic strategy of post-war Britain. The central argument presented in the book was that changes to the City during the 1960s and 1970s undermined a number of the key post-war social democratic techniques designed to sustain and develop a modern industrial economy. Financial institutionalization weakened the state’s ability to influence investment, and the labour movement was unable successfully to integrate the institutionalized funds within a renewed social democratic economic agenda. The post-war settlement in banking came under strain in the 1960s as new banking and credit institutions developed that the state struggled to manage. This was exacerbated by the decision to introduce competition among the clearing banks in 1971, which further weakened the state’s capacity to control the provision and allocation of credit to the real economy. The resurrection of an unregulated global capital market, centred on London, overwhelmed the capacity of the state to pursue domestic-focused macroeconomic policies—a problem worsened by the concurrent collapse of the Bretton Woods international monetary system. Against this background, the fundamental social democratic assumption that national prosperity could be achieved only through industry-led growth and modernization was undermined by an effective campaign to reconceptualize Britain as a fundamentally financial and commercial nation with the City of London at its heart....


Finisterra ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 40 (79) ◽  
Author(s):  
Manuel Mendes Araújo

The city of Nampula, located in the Northern hinterland of Mozambique, has always been considered the «capital of the North». Founded with the aim of ensuring military control over the colonial penetration of the hinterland, it is an important crossroads where the litoral-hinterland and centre-North axes intersect. Just like Mozambique’sother urban areas, the city of Nampula underwent considerable demographic growth in the period that followed the independence of the country, including the period of civil war and the peace that ensued from 1992 onwards. This demographic growth was the result of a significant migration inflow originating in the rural areas. As the city’s infrastructure and economic activity was unable to keep apace with this growth, the idea of migrating to the city with the aim of improving the livelihood of the migrant population was nothing but a mirage, which eventually resulted in the proliferation of the informal economy as a means of livelihood. The «city of concrete» still exhibits a series of urban and demographic haracteristics that differ substantially from those of the surrounding urban administrative units.


Author(s):  
Noppadol Phienwej ◽  
Prinya Nutalaya

Bangkok, the capital of Thailand, is situated on flat, low land in the southern part of the Central Plain, one of the main physical units of the country. Through the heart of the city, the Chao Phraya flows from the north and discharges into the Gulf of Thailand, 25 km south of the city centre. The city was founded in 1782, and in its early years numerous klongs (canals) were dug for transportation and defence uses. These canals became corridors of early development, and banks were lined with houses, shop-houses, and temples, etc. With the beauty of its waterway landscape, Bangkok was once dubbed the Venice of the East. Unfortunately, such a resemblance no longer exists as most of the canals have been backfilled to make room for road construction in recent urbanization. The Bangkok metropolis, which at present has a population in excess of 10 million, has expanded rapidly on both banks of the river since 1950. It has encroached into surrounding provinces, covering an area of approximately 60 × 70 km. Owing to its flat topography and close proximity to the sea, flooding threatens the city annually. Modern urbanization has resulted in the drastic destruction or blockage of natural drainage paths, increasing the flood risk to the city. Severe land subsidence from excessive groundwater extraction since the 1960s has intensified the flood risk, as well as creating numerous foundation problems. At present the land surface in some areas is already below mean sea level. The city now has to rely on a flood protection system to prevent inundation. However, its effectiveness is only temporary because land subsidence has not yet ceased. The Central Plain is formed by the Chao Phraya River, the largest in the country. The river basin stretches from the Northern Highland to the Central Plain and covers about one-third of the country (514 000 km2). The Central Plain can be divided into the Upper and Lower Central Plains. The former extends from Tak to Nakhon Sawan Provinces. Four main rivers, namely, the Ping, the Wang, the Yom, and the Nan, which originate in the Northern Highland, traverse the plain and join together at Nakhon Sawan, 240 km north of Bangkok, to form the Chao Phraya River.


Author(s):  
Danyang Feng

Summary Yokkaichi asthma, one of the four big pollution diseases of Japan, occurred as a result of the operation of local petrochemical complexes in the city of Yokkaichi in the early 1960s. This article explores how Yokkaichi asthma was caused, how it was certified by local government and how the air pollution victims ultimately won a lawsuit against the polluting corporations. Yoshida Katsumi, a Medical Professor at Mie Prefectural University, consulted the Atomic Bomb Medical Law to establish Yokkaichi’s own certification system. Because both leukaemia and asthma are non-specific diseases, they may also be caused by non-pollution-related factors. In the Yokkaichi lawsuit, Yoshida applied the epidemiological causation to the legal judgment for the purpose of providing compensation to individuals. As the case for compensation unfolded from 1967 to 1972, epidemiological knowledge, legal theory and social norms were deployed to advance the plaintiffs’ claim, whose success set a good example for other legal proceedings.


2014 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 375-396 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jerald Sabin

AbstractThis article argues that the granting of responsible government to Yukon in 1979 was not the inevitable outcome of territorial political development but the result of a protracted and organized settler political movement that emerged first in opposition to the federal government and, later, to Yukon's Indigenous peoples. I analyze settler actor political behaviour and outcomes using the framework of “contested colonialism.” Non-Indigenous Yukoners are understood as actors who simultaneously bring colonialism to the North while also contesting elements of that same colonial order. Using extensive archival research, I identify several critical junctures leading to the implementation of responsible government during the 1960s and 1970s.


Author(s):  
Feargal Brennan

Offshore renewable energy is experiencing an explosion of activity in response to ambitious renewable energy targets, however the drive to increase turbine size in deeper water whilst at the same time to reduce capex and installation costs in addition to the speed of development means there is a danger that structures may be designed and deployed that are inherently prone to fatigue. Offshore structures have come a long way since the pioneering early Oil & Gas jackets in the 1960s and 1970s. In forty years of designing and operating large Oil & Gas structures in the North Sea tremendous changes have occurred in development of advanced numerical modelling of stress, fatigue and loading in addition to vast improvements in steel quality/strength, manufacturing processes and inspection, monitoring and quality control. This paper addresses some of the fundamental areas where current design standards may not be appropriate for renewable energy support structures in this new era of advanced sensors and information systems. It will also discuss advanced fatigue alleviation techniques.


2016 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-128 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vicky Long

This article examines Scottish provision of psychiatric care in the 1960s and 1970s. It demonstrates that institutional services did not rapidly disappear across the UK following the Ministry of Health’s decision to shut down psychiatric hospitals in 1961, and highlights Scotland’s distinctive trajectory. Furthermore, it contends that psychiatric hospitals developed new approaches to assist patients in this era, thereby contributing towards the transformation of post-war psychiatric practice. Connecting a discussion of policy with an analysis of provision, it examines the Department of Health for Scotland’s cautious response to the Ministry’s embrace of deinstitutionalization, before analysing Glasgow’s psychiatric provision in the 1970s. At this point the city boasted virtually no community-based services, and relied heavily on its under-resourced and overburdened hospitals. Closer analysis dispels any impression of stagnation, revealing how ideologies of deinstitutionalization transformed institutional care.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (22) ◽  
pp. 101
Author(s):  
Wagner Luiz Gonçalves da SILVA (IFPA) ◽  
Gilberto de Miranda ROCHA (UFPA)

Breu Branco é um município do estado do Pará, localizado na microrregião do lago de Tucuruí. Ao longo dos anos o município experimentou um crescimento populacional acelerado, consequência da migração de pessoas oriundas de outras regiões em busca de trabalho e moradia próximos às obras de barragem. O crescimento espacial tem forte relação com a Hidroelétrica. Além do fator populacional, outros três fatores foram importantes para o crescimento espacial de Breu Branco: o preço da terra, a topografia da área de expansão e a falta de políticas de proteção ambiental no município. Nesse trabalho utilizamos ferramentas cartográficas e sensoriamento remoto para a construção de mapas em três períodos 1996, 2006 e 2016. Os resultados obtidos mostram novas dinâmicas espaciais, como a duplicação da área urbana, saturação do núcleo projetado da cidade em direção ao norte, conversão de áreas de floresta e preservação (APP) em ocupações, concentração imobiliária e especulação sobre novas áreas, do ponto de vista populacional um aumento de 58% da população em vinte anos.Palavras-chave: Hidroelétrica. Território, Dinâmicas de uso e ocupação do solo. Cartografia. Plano diretor.SPATIAL DYNAMICS OF USE AND OCCUPATION OF URBAN SOIL IN THE MUNICIPALITY OF BREU BRANCO-PAAbstract: Breu Branco is a municipality in the state of Pará, located in the microregion of Lake Tucuruí. Over the years, the municipality experienced an accelerated population growth, a consequence of the migration of people from other municipalities of Pará and the northeast region of Brazil in search of work and housing near the works. The spatial growth has a strong relationship with the implementation phases of the Tucuruí HPP. In addition to the population factor, three other factors were important for the Breu Branco spatial growth: the price of land, the topography of the expansion area and the lack of environmental protection policies the municipality. In this work, we used cartographic tools and remote sensing for the construction of maps in three periods 1996, 2006 and 2016. The results obtained show new spatial dynamics, such as the duplication of the urban area, saturation of the projected nucleus of the city towards the north, conversion of forest and preservation areas (APP) into occupations, real estate concentration and speculation about new areas, from the point of view. population view an increase of 58% of the population in twenty years. Keywords: Hydroelectric.Territory. Dynamics of use and Soil occupation. Cartography. Master Plan. 


2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 149-162
Author(s):  
Vasily V. Nikolaev ◽  
Ivan I. Nazarov

Purpose. The article discusses the urbanization of the indigenous peoples of Altai (Altaians, Kumandins, Telengits, Tubalars, Chelkans) based on the results of a sociological study among the Kumandins of Biysk. Results. Kumandins moved to the city from the nearest villages most intensively during the 1960s and 1970s. The liquidation of unpromising villages, the relatively large generation of young people and their command of the Russian language, the geographical proximity of cities and the need for working hands became the reasons for the move. The exhaustion of the migration resource was associated with a small number of people. Intensive urbanization has been replaced by equally active assimilation and acculturation since the late 1980s. This was facilitated by the widespread adoption of second-generation mixed marriages, and the loss of family ties. Kumandins in Biysk live dispersed. In 2002, more than half of the Kumandins lived in cities. Kumandins are the most urbanized indigenous people of Altai. They moved to Gorno-Altaysk and the cities of the Kemerovo region also. At the turn of the centuries, the pace of urbanization of other indigenous peoples of Altai began: Altaians, Telengits, Tubalars and Chelkans. At first, they were concentrated in large villages because of the geographical remoteness of the territories of traditional residence from Gorno-Altaysk. In the second generation, they moved to the city. Conclusions. Kumandins went through three stages of urbanization. Prior to the mid-1960s, a small number of Kumandins moved to the city. Most of the Kumandins migrated to the city in the mid-1960s – late 1980s. Then the process of assimilation began. The prospects of ethno-demographic development of the indigenous peoples of Altai were identified. In 20–30 years, Telengits, Tubalars and Chelkans will have problems characteristic of the Kumandins: assimilation and acculturation. The number of Kumandins will continue to decline. The demographic situation among Altaians will be the most stable due to their multiplicity. The number of urban Altaians will gradually increase.


Author(s):  
James M. Burns

The history of moving images in Africa dates to the late 19th century, when the first films premiered in South Africa shortly after their world debut in Paris. By 1940 cinema had become a staple of public leisure in urban areas across the continent. In the postwar era cinema’s popularity grew in cities and began to make inroads into rural areas. In the 1930s, colonial administrators started producing didactic films for African consumption. Before the Second World War, the majority of films made for African audiences were produced by administrators in British territories. In the postwar era other colonial governments got involved to varying degrees in the project to educate Africans through film. Films for African education continued to be produced and distributed in the postcolonial era by governments and international aid organizations. The earliest commercial film industry in Africa emerged in South Africa during the silent era. Elsewhere, indigenous production did not begin until the late colonial period. Television came relatively late to Africa, premiering in Nigeria during the waning days of colonial rule and being introduced gradually during the 1960s and 1970s in most nations. The initial reach of television was limited by the poverty of most Africa consumers, and African governments produced few original television programs before 2000. The economic crisis that gripped postcolonial Africa in the 1960s shuttered many urban cinemas and limited television’s reach at a time when it was expanding globally. During this period African artists, frequently with the financial assistance of Western governments, and technical training on both sides of the iron curtain, began producing their own films. A central concern of these pioneering artists was to provide a response to the negative depictions of Africa that were a staple of Western commercial cinema. The distribution of these films was limited on the continent, though many received critical acclaim when shown at film festivals in Europe and North America. In the 1980s audiences in West Africa became consumers of a new genre of moving image, video films, which were produced on limited budgets in urban areas in West Africa. The advent of satellite television services in the 1990s made moving images increasingly accessible to African people across the continent. The end of apartheid in 1990 also proved a fillip to cinema and television production in southern Africa. In the 21st century the availability of visual images has expanded across the continent, as individual ownership of televisions has risen broadly and mobile phone technology has made moving images available to many other consumers.


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