The CCP’s Cadres Training and Political identification

2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 39-73
Author(s):  
Moon Ki Lee
Keyword(s):  
Political Identification

An Ever Further Apart Union? National and European Attachments in the European Union

2006 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tracey Raney
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Identity Formation ◽  
Identity Construction ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Active Role ◽  
The Political ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Political Identities ◽  
Political Identification ◽  
The Eu

This paper is about the ways that citizens perceive their place in the political world around them, through their political identities. Using a combination of comparative and quantitative methodologies, the study traces the pattern of citizens’ political identifications in the European Union and Canada between 1981 and 2003 and explains the mechanisms that shape these political identifications. The results of the paper show that in the EU and Canada identity formation is a process that involves the participation of both individuals and political institutions yet between the two, individuals play a greater role in identity construction than do political institutions. The paper argues that the main agents of political identification in the EU and Canada are citizens themselves: individuals choose their own political identifications, rather than acquiring identities that are pre-determined by historical or cultural precedence. The paper makes the case that this phenomenon is characteristic of a rise of ‘civic’ identities in the EU and Canada. In the European Union, this overarching ‘civic’ identity is in its infancy compared to Canada, yet, both reveal a new form of political identification when compared to the historical and enduring forms of cultural identities firmly entrenched in Europe. The rise of civic identities in both the EU and Canada is attributed to the active role that citizens play in their own identity constructions as they base their identifications on rational assessments of how well political institutions function, and whether their memberships in the community will benefit them, rather than on emotional factors rooted in religion or race. In the absence of strongly held emotional identifications, in the EU and Canada political institutions play a passive role in identity construction by making the community appear more entitative to its citizens. These findings offer new theoretical scope to the concept of civic communities and the political identities that underpin them. The most important finding presented in the paper is that although civic communities and identities are manufactured by institutions and political elites (politicians and bureaucrats), they require thinking citizens, not feeling ones, to be sustained.   Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v2i4.179

Populism and Identification

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francisco Panizza
Keyword(s):  
Political Order ◽  
Political Actor ◽  
Political Identities ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Ernesto Laclau ◽  
Cultural Approach ◽  
Political Identification ◽  
The People ◽  
Discursive Approach

This chapter discusses relations between populism, identity, and identification, defining populism as a mode of political identification that constructs and gives meaning to “the people” as a political actor. It critically adopts a discursive approach to populism represented, among others, by the works of Ernesto Laclau, as well as the socio-cultural approach of Pierre Ostiguy, in order to show how populist identities are created and how populist interventions shape politics differently in different political contexts. It argues that political identities are complex, relational, and incomplete, challenging binary classifications of political actors as either populists or not, and introducing the notion of populist interventions as a political appeal to be used alongside other political appeals. The notion of incomplete and permanently dislocated institutions is then used to show how populist interventions can be employed in highly institutionalized political settings to change the boundaries of what is sayable and hence doable in a given political order.

The Relation Between Moral Attitudes and Political Identity

2020 ◽  
pp. 203-229
Author(s):  
Tuuli-Marja Kleiner ◽  
Reinhold Melcher
Keyword(s):  
Political Identity ◽  
Correlation Coefficients ◽  
The Political ◽  
World Value Survey ◽  
Economic Dimension ◽  
Cultural Aspects ◽  
Pooled Data ◽  
Political Identification ◽  
Moral Attitudes ◽  
Political Realm

This study investigates how moral values structure the left/right identification of citizens. Specifically, this chapter reconnoitres how moral attitudes relate to the political fringes on both sides compared to economic attitudes. Using pooled data drawn from the World Value Survey (WVS) and the European Value Survey (EVS), this chapter calculates point-biseral correlation coefficients for 12 European countries at different points in time (1982-2014). The findings indicate that (1) both cultural and economic aspects determine mass political identification, (2) the significance of cultural aspects seems higher in traditional countries, (3) all influences remain largely stable over time. In addition, (4) this chapter identifies an unexpected pattern: while the economic dimension structures the political realm quite evenly, moral orientations seem to be divided into the ‘moral universalists' on the left pole and the ‘moral conservatives', who consider themselves as either moderate or rightist.

The Psychological Appeal of Fake-News Attributions

2020 ◽  
Vol 31 (7) ◽  
pp. 848-857 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jordan R. Axt ◽  
Mark J. Landau ◽  
Aaron C. Kay
Keyword(s):  
Political Orientation ◽  
Moderating Effect ◽  
Random Errors ◽  
Fake News ◽  
News Stories ◽  
Political Identification ◽  
News Organizations ◽  
The World ◽  
Intentional Deception

The term fake news is increasingly used to discredit information from reputable news organizations. We tested the possibility that fake-news claims are appealing because they satisfy the need to see the world as structured. Believing that news organizations are involved in an orchestrated disinformation campaign implies a more orderly world than believing that the news is prone to random errors. Across six studies ( N > 2,800), individuals with dispositionally high or situationally increased need for structure were more likely to attribute contested news stories to intentional deception than to journalistic incompetence. The effect persisted for stories that were ideologically consistent and ideologically inconsistent and after analyses controlled for strength of political identification. Political orientation showed a moderating effect; specifically, the link between need for structure and belief in intentional deception was stronger for Republican participants than for Democratic participants. This work helps to identify when, why, and for whom fake-news claims are persuasive.

“Shame on the church of Sweden”: Radical nationalism and the appropriation of Christianity in contemporary Sweden

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 138-152
Author(s):  
Per-Erik Nilsson
Keyword(s):  
Pivotal Role ◽  
Church Of Sweden ◽  
Nationalist Party ◽  
Political Identification ◽  
Long Run ◽  
The Future ◽  
Projection Surface ◽  
A Minor ◽  
The Guardian ◽  
The Church

During the last decade, the populist radical nationalist party, the Sweden Democrats (SD), has gone from being a minor party to become Sweden’s third largest party in parliament. In this article, the author shows how the category of Christianity has come to play a pivotal role in the party’s political identification. Drawing on Ernesto Laclau’s analysis of populism, the author argues that Christianity should be understood as a projection surface for fantasies of an ethnically and culturally superior homogenous nation vis-à-vis constructed national others. In a populist logic, Christianity has thus become a way to distinguish the SD from its articulated external (e.g., Muslims, immigrants) and internal (liberalism, feminism) political foes. By appropriating Christianity, the SD articulates itself as the guardian of true Christianity, the future savior of a Church allegedly hijacked by external and internal foes, and in the long run, the Swedish nation.

scholarly journals The ethics of nobody I know: gender and the politics of description

2014 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 64-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy Laurie
Keyword(s):  
Queer Theory ◽  
Feminist Philosophy ◽  
Simone De Beauvoir ◽  
Ethical Practices ◽  
Ethical Problems ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Political Identification ◽  
Political Resources ◽  
Human Liberty ◽  
Social Encounters

Purpose – This paper aims to bring together feminist philosophy, phenomenology, and masculinity studies to consider the gendered formation of ethical practices, focusing on the construction of “male” and “female” identities in quotidian social encounters. While scholarship on masculinity has frequently focused on hegemonic modes of behaviour or normative gender relations, less attention has been paid to the “ethics of people I know” as informal political resources, ones that shapes not only conversations about how one should act (“people I know don’t do that”), but also about the diversity of situations that friends, acquaintances or strangers could plausibly have encountered (“that hasn’t happened to anyone I know”). Design/methodology/approach – The paper rethinks mundane social securities drawing on Martin Heidegger, Simone de Beauvoir, and Sara Ahmed to consider anecdotal case studies around gender recognition and political practice, and in doing so also develops the notion of interpellation in relation to everyday ethical problems. Findings – The paper suggests that inquiry into diverse modes of quotidian complicities – or what de Beauvoir calls the “snares” of a deeply human liberty – can be useful for describing the mixtures of sympathy, empathy, and disavowal in the performance of pro-feminist and queer-friendly masculinities or masculinist identities. It also suggests that the adoption of an “anti-normative” politics is insufficient for negotiating the problems of description and recognition involved in the articulation of gendered social experiences. Originality/value – This paper approaches questions around political identification commonly considered in queer theory from the viewpoint of descriptive practices themselves, and thus reorients problems of recognition and interpellation towards the expression of ethical statements, rather than focusing solely on the objects of such statements.

scholarly journals Role of Conspiracy Mentality and Paranormal Beliefs in Predicting Conspiracy Beliefs Among Neopagans

2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-97
Author(s):  
Asbjørn Dyrendal ◽  
Leif Kennair ◽  
James Lewis
Keyword(s):  
Political Identity ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Conspiracy Theories ◽  
Single Item ◽  
Political Identification ◽  
Gender And Education ◽  
Paranormal Beliefs ◽  
Conspiracy Beliefs ◽  
Conspiracy Thinking

Recent studies on conspiracy thinking has concluded that the strongest predictor of the tendency towards conspiratorial thinking is a one-dimensional construct-conspiracy mentality-that is relatively stable over time and valid across cultures. Lantian et al. (2016) found that a single, elaborate question can work as a measure of conspiracy beliefs. We assess the validity of this question for an untypical, religious group: self-identified Neopagans. We also test some recent findings on the relation between conspiracy thinking and paranormal beliefs, attitudes towards group equality, political identification, age, gender, and education. The general patterns hold up well in our investigation, but there was a clear distinction between conspiracy theories about powerful actors and those about minorities. The single-item measure was the largest predictor of the former kind of conspiracy belief followed by level of paranormal beliefs. Anti-egalitarianism and holding a right-wing political identity were the strongest predictors of conspiracy beliefs about minorities. Education was negatively related to conspiracy beliefs of all kinds.

Populism and Praxis

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jason Frank
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Boundary Problem ◽  
Related Question ◽  
Focused Attention ◽  
Political Subjectivity ◽  
Central Importance ◽  
Political Identification ◽  
The People ◽  
American Case

This chapter argues that contemporary democratic theory’s approach to populism has been unduly influenced by Carl Schmitt’s theory of political identification. Both liberal critics and radical democratic admirers of populism have focused attention on the question of who the people are (“the boundary problem”) while neglecting the related question of how the people act (“the enactment problem”). This framework obscures the central importance of populism’s experimentation with different forms of egalitarian praxis, and how these forms come to shape political subjectivity. The formative praxis of populism is clearly indicated in the nineteenth-century American case.

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