scholarly journals Writing in and Out of Exile: A Foucauldean Reading of No Friend but the Mountains by Behrouz Boochani

Author(s):  
Hanna Merin Varghese ◽  

“Refugee” is a historically constructed term that privileged concerns that are substantially ideological and political rather than economic and ecological. But one cannot neglect the fact that environmental and economic concerns cannot be set apart from the political and hence rises the necessity to create a new inclusive category of “ essential needs” to consider their intrinsic interconnectivity as its one of the apriorism. Refugee literature essentially addresses not only the displacement but the gaps that are found in the sociological approach to “statelessness” and migration. On the other hand, literature stands for individual expressions and experience. Literature in the context of statelessness not only signifies the notion of being a “refugee” but being an “ asylum, seeker” as well. No Friend but the Mountains by Behrouz Boochani is such an autobigraphcial novel written in the backdrop of his experience as an asylum seeker and consequent incarceration in the Australian detention regime. The Australian detention centre is built and worked in such a way that it satisfies the idea of the panopticon. The Kyriarchal system works in the prison even in a way that affects the psyche of the imprisoned individuals and thus these stateless asylum seekers undergo extreme existential dilemmas and commit severe crimes, turning against one another and sometimes even suicides. On the basis of the experiences of Boochani, the carceral system of Australian detention centre is expounded here through a Foucaludean idea of punishment, Bentham’s notion of the panopticon as well Fiorenza’s idea of kyriarchy where all of them are essentially different shades and shapes of exerting power.

Author(s):  
Yana Meerzon

This chapter discusses the aesthetics and ethics of staging exile and migration as one of the focus points in the political theater of today. It argues that political theater has the power to engage with the strategies of critical countermapping of migration. Using affect, immersion, and embodiment, it can rehumanize migrants, the underclass, and national abjects. It can also stage the uniqueness of individual journeys within the impersonality of the global movements. Political theater can give voice to an asylum seeker and can return dignity to a victim. Telling stories about migration and confronting the bodies of the performers-refugees with the bodies of the spectators–their hosts, it can turn a nameless migrant into a proper individual, someone who possesses their personal history, memory, agency, and identity. Bringing stories of migration to the homes of those people who practice mixophobia, political theater can make the stranger relatable. The play The Jungle (2017), written by Joe Murphy and Joe Robertson, directed by Stephen Daldry and Justin Martin for the Good Chance Theatre, and presented by the National Theatre and the Young Vic in London, serves this chapter as its primary example of how political theater can educate its audiences about the other and help them realize that this other is already within us.


2019 ◽  
pp. 78-103
Author(s):  
S.A. Romanenko

The article is devoted to the analysis of representations about AustriaHungary in Russia in political and publicists societies including Bolsheviks, Social Democrats, liberals (cadets), as well as MFA analysts from February to October. On the basis of the materials on foreign policy and the correlation of revolution and world war, from Russian daily press and journalists, which have not been studied before, the author comes to the conclusion that the representatives of the left flank of the political spectrum had neither information nor conceptually built ideas about the situation in AustriaHungary, about the perspectives for the development of revolutionary processes in the multinational state and its direction and aims. On the other hand, this was also largely characteristic of the moods of the AustroHungarian politicians, whether progovernment or opposition,Статья посвящена анализу представлений об АвстроВенгрии в России в политических и публицистических обществахв том числе большевиков, социалдемократов, либералов (кадетов), а также аналитиков МИД с февраля по октябрь. На основе материалов по внешней политике и соотношение революции и мировой войны, из российской ежедневной прессы и журналистов, которые до этого не изучались, автор приходит к выводу, что представители левого фланга политического спектра не имели ни информации, ни концептуально выстроенных представлений о ситуации в АвстроВенгрии, о перспективах развития революционных процессов в многонациональном государстве и его направленности, а также о том, что они не могли цели. С другой стороны, это было также в значительной степени характерно для настроений австровенгерских политиков, будь то проправительственные или оппозиционные, для которых цели национального движения уже в 1917 году играли гораздо большую роль, чем для русских. Для сравнительного анализа на основе архивных материалов приводятся позиции Министерства иностранных дел (Временного правительства) и Петроградского Совета.


1985 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 341-369 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip J. Williams

The involvement of Christians in the Nicaraguan Revolution is a clear manifestation of the profound changes taking place within the Nicaraguan Church as a whole. While a clear majority of the clergy took a stand against the injustices of the Somoza regime, a smaller group of priests and religious demonstrated a more profound commitment to radical structural transformation of society. Although their efforts to organize andconcientizar1rural and urban poor had serious political implications – in fact, many joined the guerrilla as a result of the ‘radicalization of their faith’ – to these priests and religious the political solutions available to counter growing social injustices and government abuses were few: either fight or capitulate. The bishops, on the other hand, were cautious about the pace of change and rejected the violent option, choosing instead an intermediate path. Unfortunately, such an option proved futile in the case of Nicaragua, and finally the bishops justified armed revolution as a viable alternative to systematic repression.


2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 193-222
Author(s):  
Mathias G. Parding

Abstract It is known that Kierkegaard’s relation to politics was problematic and marked by a somewhat reactionary stance. The nature of this problematic relation, however, will be shown to lie in the tension between his double skepticism of the order of establishment [det Bestående] on the one hand, and the political associations of his age on the other. In this tension he is immersed, trembling between Scylla and Charybdis. On the one hand Kierkegaard is hesitant to support the progressive political movements of the time due to his skepticism about the principle of association in the socio-psychological climate of leveling and envy. On the other hand, his dubious support of the order of the establishment, in particular the Church and Bishop Mynster, becomes increasingly problematic. The importance of 1848 is crucial in this regard since this year marks the decisive turn in Kierkegaard’s authorship. Using the letters to Kolderup-Rosenvinge in the wake of the cataclysmic events of 1848 as my point of departure, I wish to elucidate the pathway towards what Kierkegaard himself understands as his Socratic mission.


Human Affairs ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Skowroński

AbstractIn the present paper, the author looks at the political dimension of some trends in the visual arts within twentieth-century avant-garde groups (cubism, expressionism, fauvism, Dada, abstractionism, surrealism) through George Santayana’s idea of vital liberty. Santayana accused the avant-gardists of social and political escapism, and of becoming unintentionally involved in secondary issues. In his view, the emphasis they placed on the medium (or diverse media) and on treating it as an aim in itself, not, as it should be, as a transmitter through which a stimulating relationship with the environment can be had, was accompanied by a focus on fragments of life and on parts of existence, and, on the other hand, by a de facto rejection of ontology and cosmology as being crucial to understanding life and the place of human beings in the universe. The avant-gardists became involved in political life by responding excessively to the events of the time, instead of to the everlasting problems that are the human lot.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (12) ◽  
pp. 216-223
Author(s):  
Ashok Thapa ◽  
Sushil Rajbhandari

The female characters created by BP Koirala and Pradip Nepal in Narendra Dai and Swapnil Shahar respectively have been compared and contrasted in this paper. Although Koirala and Nepal represent two poles of the Nepalese political spectrum, with Koirala pursuing democratic socialism doctrine and Nepal following communist ideology, the characters they create in their novels do not completely reflect the political schooling of their creators. The female characters in both the novels share some common traits of characters which most of the women in the Nepalese society, even today, exude, such as compassion, sacrifice, and docility. However, these female characters also display enough courage to rebel against the prevalent patriarchal dominance. The plot of Nepal’s novel is considerably politically colored, and thus the female characters in his novel discuss progressive ideas and even act accordingly. Koirala’s novel on the other hand deals more with socio-psychological issues and these conditions the dispositions of his characters. Nevertheless, his female characters too display rebellious traits and speak back to the patriarchal hegemony both through words and actions. As compared to Nepal, however, Koirala seems to have better succeeded in creating well-rounded female characters that not only abide by the then societal norms and values but also display mutiny against unjust treatment.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 101-110
Author(s):  
Mateusz Falkowski

The article is devoted to the famous The Discourse of Voluntary Servitude by Étienne de La Boétie. The author considers the theoretical premises underlying the concept of “voluntary servitude”, juxtaposing them with two modern concepts of will developed by Descartes and Pascal. An important feature of La Boétie’s project is the political and therefore intersubjective – as opposed to the individualistic perspective of Descartes and Pascal – starting point. It is therefore situated against the background of, on the one hand, the historical evolution of early modern states (from feudal monarchies, through so-called Renaissance monarchies up to European absolutisms) and, on the other hand – of the political philosophy of Machiavelli and Hobbes.


Res Publica ◽  
1997 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 597-608
Author(s):  
Jo Craeghs

In the political field, Flanders experienced a very eventful year throughout 1996. The inauguration of the Flemish Parliament and the award for a 'Draft Constitution for Flanders ' made up two symbolic heights of the Belgian federalization. On the other hand, the deepening and the widening of the Flemish autonomy regularly led to tensions between the Flemish and the Walloon Community.In the policy fields as well, far-reaching changes took place. The most important ones are mentioned within the scope of this annual review article.


Jazz in China ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 187-209
Author(s):  
Eugene Marlow

This chapter focuses on jazz musicians in Shanghai. Once called the “Paris of the East,” today Shanghai represents the economic and entrepreneurial center of China; Beijing is the political heart of China. Both cities have their own vibe: Beijing—spread out like Los Angeles, is clogged by an increasing number of cars and life-threatening smog; Shanghai—compact like Manhattan, New York City, is cosmopolitan and eclectic. Both cities boast their own jazz scene. Beijing is full of expats and the jazz bands tend to be more uniformly Asian. Shanghai, on the other hand, reflects a much greater international mix of musicians.


Author(s):  
Stanisław Musiał ◽  
Gwido Zlatkes

This chapter offers an answer to the previous chapter by Revd Waldemar Chrostowski. The author argues that his text speaks of a different matter than that of Chrostowski's. He, on the one hand, addresses the antisemitic character of one of Henryk Jankowski's public enunciations, and the lack of reaction, or inadequate reaction, to the antisemitism of this enunciation on the part of the episcopate. Chrostowski, on the other hand, discusses the political character of that enunciation of Jankowski's, and the bishops' reaction to this political character. The author limits his remarks about the Revd Chrostowski's article to making four corrections and to expressing his regret about two clearly antisemitic emphases present in Chrostowski's text.


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