scholarly journals CONFRONT ISSUES ON EDUCATION OF TRANSGENDERS IN INDIA

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-3
Author(s):  
A. Balu

The spirit of the Indian Constitution is to provide equal opportunity to every citizen to grow and attain their potential, irrespective of caste, religion or gender. Everyone has a gender identity. In India there are three gender; male, female and transgender. The Transgender community is a part of the social order and they have an equal right in everything that is available to all others in the world. The presence of such transgender is not new and is etched in history from time immemorial. Transgenders were respected earlier in the society but situation has changed and they now face discrimination and harassment. Now, transgenders will study in schools and colleges with all facility approving their admission under the category of "disadvantaged group" dened by the Right to Education Act2009 (RTE). Transgenders are eligible for twenty ve percent reservation under the economically weaker section (EWS) and disadvantaged students category for admission.Many members of the transgender community were torch bearers of changes in the events of history even if they aren't specically noted. Their discrimination has been a perennial issue and has only proven to be more spurious with time. The discrimination the members of the transgender community face based on their class and gender make them one of the most disempowered groups in Indian Society. The Supreme Court said they will be given educational and employment reservation as OBCs.Transgenders are deprived of social and cultural participation, are shunned by family and society.The paper has analysed the present educational, social and employment status of transgender community in India.

2002 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jo-Anne Everingham

With increasing focus on the place of women in development by multilateral agencies, donor countries and non-governmental organisations, various strategies of intervention are employed. One such intervention results in poor illiterate women in Orissa, redefining their position in contrast to the dominant discourses and gender ideology of state, religion and economy, to over come culturally enshrined powerlessness. From the observation of the work of the People's Rural Education Movement (PREM), and the women's organisations and credit unions they support and foster it is clear that such women's groups are appropriately understood as feminist in that they have claimed the right to speak for themselves (and those with whom they are attempting to change the social order); conceptualised an alternative social order and defined for themselves alternative social, political and economic activities within it; are challenging the mass of constructed ideas, values and myths around their gender; and are also challenging the social construction of male-female dualism and the ways in which it is reinforced. Their activities are considered in terms of Kristeva's three tiers of feminist thought: liberal feminism, radical feminism and symbolic-order post-structural feminism.


2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 586
Author(s):  
Valdeci Reis

Estudo etnográfico, com revisão de literatura sobre a construção social do conceito juventude, tem como objetivo relatar e analisar narrativas juvenis em torno do direito à educação. A análise empírica seleciona duas ondas de mobilizações protagonizadas por jovens estudantes: Atos em defesa das Universidades e Institutos Federais ocorridos na cidade de Florianópolis-SC; Na capital da Argentina, Buenos Aires, a narrativa etnográfica se debruça na análise de mobilizações protagonizadas por jovens portenhos que tomaram as ruas exigindo a manutenção da Ley Nacional de Educación, além de se posicionarem radicalmente contra as medidas de austeridade anunciadas pelo Governo Maurício Macri. A análise dos dados etnográficos aponta que a pauta em defesa da educação é capaz de unir coletivos e organizações dos mais variados espectros ideológicos.Palavras-chave: Juventude. Neoliberalismo. Participação social. Etnografia. América Latina.NARRATIVES ON THE RIGHT TO EDUCATION IN DISPUTE: anthropological lights to understand youth mobilizationsAbstractEthnographic study, with a review of the literature on the social construction of the concept of youth, in order to report and analyze youth narratives around the right to education.The empirical analysis selected two waves of mobilizations carried out by young students: Acts in defense of public educational institutions occurred in the city of Florianópolis-SC, Brazil;In the capital of Argentina, Buenos Aires, the ethnographic narrative focused on the analysis of mobilizations carried out by young people who went to the streets demanding the maintenance of the “National Education Law”, as well as to stand radicallyagainst the austerity measures announced by the MaurícioMacri Government. The analysis of the ethnographic data indicates that the agenda in defense of education is capable of uniting collectives and organizations affiliated to the mostdiverse ideological currents.Keywords: Youth. Neoliberalism. Social participation. Ethnography. Latin America.


1958 ◽  
Vol 52 (4) ◽  
pp. 1026-1029 ◽  
Author(s):  
John P. Roche

I want to dissent initially from the rather constricting frame of reference that Schubert has established in his paper. He has every right in the world to set rhetorical snares, but I have no intention of walking into them. If I may summarize, Schubert asserts that he is a spokesman for a radical new direction in the study of public law, claiming that the old ways are moribund. He further urges that we should look with envy at the creative function of the social psychologists who supplied the Supreme Court with the banners it carried in Brown v. Board of Education while we were bumbling around with historical and philosophical trivia. He concludes that instead of wasting our time with talmudic disputations on whether the Supreme Court reached the “right” or the “wrong” decisions in specific cases, we should settle down to build a firm “scientific” foundation for our discipline.Not the least amusing aspect of this indictment is that I find myself billed as the defender of the ancien régime, as the de Maistre of public law. Therefore, for the benetfit of the young and impressionistic, let me break loose from Schubert's rhetorical trap: I too think that much of the research done in public law—and, for that matter, in political science generally—has been trivial.


Adrian Desmond & James Moore, Darwin . London: Michael Joseph, 1991. Pp. 808, £20.00. ISBN 0-3403-3 In Britain, as in much of Europe, the early and mid-19th century was a period of great social, political and intellectual turbulence. The industrial revolution was transforming the countryside, crowding the cities and disrupting the social order at all levels. The right to govern, long assumed by the duo of church and aristocracy, was being challenged. In 1848 Europe erupted in a cluster of radicalist revolutions and, though in Britain the threat of Chartism came to nothing, radical political thinking was taking root and would culminate, as the century progressed, in the ascendancy of Liberalism and the birth of the labour movement. In philosophy and religion, freedom of thought and discussion was rampant: questions once taboo as heresy were openly discussed (in 1880 Northampton was to elect an avowed atheist as its M.P.); utopian, evangelist and spiritualist groups abounded; developments in Natural Philosophy (which we now call science) were followed with enthusiasm, not only by naturalists, but by non-scientific intellectuals and (more surprising to us today) by the press and its now widely based readership.


Author(s):  
Petra Mitić ◽  

In its attempts to defend the right of women to claim their own subjectivity,as well as the equal right to participate in the social system institutions, the mainstream of feminist thinking has been marked crucially by the question of woman and her identity. This question could be said to occupy a central place in feminist texts and discussions which started even before the women’s movement was officially created. But since feminist disagreements about how these issues should be approached appropriately have already resulted in serious misunderstandings and mutually severe accusations, this paper aims at shedding light at the very nature of these polarities. In doing so, the focus has been placed on how the terms equal and different have been theorised. These dissenting voices have certainly proved productive in the context of theory itself, but have done much harm in the domain of social activism which failed to initiate truly substantial changes within western society and culture. The same countereffect is also visible in theory, which has generated a diversity of feminisms, but has definitely failed to offer a comprehensive critique of the perniciously repressive culture. The lack of gender equality has always been an important dimension of this culture, but still just a segment and one particular mechanism of the invisible matrix which has never actually stopped producing binary hierarchies. They are being manifested in different forms today but have retained fundamentally unchanged and unchallenged structures, promoting an ideologically induced perception of reality to appear natural and self-evident. The paper puts forward the claim that a humanistic and anti-capitalist feminism is a framework broad enough to overcome all exclusions and one-sided definitions and to head towards one such comprehensive feminism – bringing us back to the original radicalism of the women’s movement. To do so, it is necessary to reconsider the general confusion within postmodernist discourse, and especially the controversy related to what humanism should stand for today.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (6) ◽  
pp. 1077-1081
Author(s):  
Parul Yadav ◽  
Komal Vig

Purpose: The research paper has been written in order to analyze the impact of reading down the notorious section of Indian Penal Code, 1860 which being Section 377 which penalized every sexual act other than a heterosexual union even if consensual in the judgment given by the Supreme Court of India in Navjot Singh v. Union of India on the society of India. This paper aims to see its impact on the morality of the Indian community on the known definitions and working of the morality in the social and the legal system. Methodology: In this work classical method of research has been followed which being doctrinal research also, a comparative analysis between the legal text of Section 377 of Indian Penal Code, 1860 and the judgments announced by the Supreme court of India has been undertaken with the proportional qualitative analysis done with moral set up of Indian Society. Main Findings: The analysis conducted on law and social structure of Indian Society by the researchers point out to the fact that after reading down of Section 377, the social set-up of India is resenting the recognition granted to third sex and gender because it disturbs its moral thread which has knitted the social structure known as of now and introduces a third angle in known concepts of sex and sexuality which till now have been relying on parallel tracks of male and female sex/gender. Application: This research piece will aid students in understanding the concept of morality and will demonstrate its effect on the working of the Criminal system of a country. Moreover, it will also give support in understanding the role of biological sex and sexual preferences in shaping law as known today. Novelty/Originality: This research is novel in its attempt of wherein morality has been traced in the criminal legal system of the country which is most prominent in issues related to the sex of the human body and its sexuality.


2021 ◽  
pp. 124-141
Author(s):  
Luiz Paulo Ribeiro ◽  
Mariana Esteves da Costa ◽  
Isabella Campos Freitas D’Avila

La Educación es un derecho de todos y deber de la escuela, de la familia y de la sociedad sin embargo no siempre se muestra democrática cuando se trata de las minorías sexuales y de género. En Brasil las violencias y estigmatizaciones de estudiantes LGBTI ocasionan baja escolaridad y muchos otros desdoblamientos sociales. Pensando en ello, la población LGBTI, a través de movimientos políticos y sociales, ha procurado garantizar el derecho de acceso y permanencia en las escuelas. Así, este trabajo tiene como objetivo explicitar cómo las acciones del movimiento LGBTI han contribuido históricamente a las transformaciones en la educación. Consideramos que los cambios en la Educación suceden, entre otras, por medio de la influencia de esos sujetos, y por aquellos que entienden la importancia del respeto a la diversidad en las instituciones educativas, que se muestran como espacio hostil marcado, a veces, por la cisheteronormatividad. Por medio del concepto de minorías activas, buscamos comprender cómo los sujetos LGBTI se contraponen a las reglas y normas sociales impuestas por la mayoría e influyen en las transformaciones sociales. Entendemos que la reproducción de normas y patrones de comportamiento en el ambiente educativo tiende a una lógica antidemocrática, en la que los alumnos no son plenamente respetados cuando presentan identidades y sexualidades consideradas disidentes. Education is a right of all and a duty of school, family and society, however it is not always democratic when it comes to sexual and gender minorities. In Brazil, the violence and stigmatization of LGBTI students cause low schooling and many other social developments. Thinking about it, the LGBTI population has sought to guarantee the right of access and permanence in educational institutions through political and social movement. Thus, this work aims to clarify how the actions of the LGBTI movement has been contributing historically to the transformations in education. We consider that changes in Education happen, among others, through the influence of these subjects, and by those who understand the importance of respect for diversity in School, which shows itself as a hostile space marked, sometimes, by cis-heteronormativity. Through the concept of active minorities, we seek to understand how LGBTI individuals oppose the social rules and norms imposed by the majority and influence social transformations. We understand that the reproduction of rules and patterns of behavior in the educational environment tends to an anti-democratic logic, in which the students are not fully respected when they present identities and sexualities considered dissident. A Educação é um direito de todos e dever da escola, da família e da sociedade, entretanto nem sempre se mostra democrática quando se trata das minorias sexuais e de gênero. No Brasil, as violências e estigmatizações de estudantes LGBTI ocasionam baixa escolaridade e muitos outros desdobramentos sociais. Pensando nisso, a população LGBTI, através de movimentação política e social, tem buscado garantir o direito de acesso e permanência nas instituições de ensino. Assim, este trabalho tem como objetivo explicitar como as ações do movimento LGBTI têm contribuído historicamente para as transformações na educação. Consideramos que as mudanças na Educação acontecem, entre outros fatores, por meio da influência desses sujeitos, e por aqueles que entendem a importância do respeito à diversidade na Escola, que se mostra como um espaço hostil marcado, por vezes, pela cisheteronormatividade. Por meio do conceito de minorias ativas, buscamos compreender como os sujeitos LGBTI contrapõem-se às regras e normas sociais impostas pela maioria e influenciam as transformações sociais. Entendemos que a reprodução de regras e padrões de comportamento no ambiente educacional tendenciam uma lógica antidemocrática, na qual os educandos não são inteiramente respeitados quando apresentam identidades e sexualidades consideradas dissidentes.


2004 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 447-464
Author(s):  
Luka Brkic

This paper analyzes recent free trade arrangements from a positive political economy perspective. In contrast to most other literature, which fails to take into account geographical factors, it is argued here that proximity and transportation costs play an important role in trade arrangements. Another important also largely neglected factor is the degree of social cohesion in terms of labor standards among potential trading partners. Accepting social integration might also be a condition for admitting those countries to the agreement. Changes of trade policy over time can therefore be explained by changes in the relative political influence of the sectors considered. The other important factors are, of course, a change in the degree of retaliation, leading to lower tariffs under higher retaliation, and a leveling of social standards. Redistribution across countries could also considerably change the optimal rate of tariff. The EU with its regional cohesion funds might be a good example of how those are used as a side-payment for diminishing the social divergence in the member countries. Countries with higher standards should only be willing to integrate when others raise their social standards as well. The negotiations about the social protocol in the EU indicate that this is in fact the case. More than 40 years of European integration have led to an habituation of thinking of the European Community as something ideologically neutral, which transcends normal political debate. European issues, it seems, do not fit the structure of the usual right-left ideological controversy. The only open fault-line in European politics is between advocates of "more" and those of "less" integration. The paper explores the potential cognitive and political gains of a change of perspective. It argues that the issue of more or less integration is often not interesting in itself but only to the degree that it influences the content of policies. It further shows that the policies at stake are normally such, that they can be usefully debated in the right-left framework. The decision about the site of policy control - national or European - is often only the guise in which a decision about the redrawing of the boundary between market and state, between the sphere of competitive allocation and the sphere of political coordination, materializes. This paper aimed at stressing the fundamental differences between conventional and contractarian constitutional orders. To achieve it, we have used the concept of common knowledge and have related it to its political philosophy background, especially with regard to communication and induction. The former generates a spontaneous social order - it is an evolutionist view that belongs to the Hume - Menger - Hayek tradition. The latter produces a contractarian vision shared by the Brennan-Buchanan-Tullock tradition. We consider here a basic distinction between institutions and conventions. An institution is considered as a formal, explicit rule, while a convention appears to be a tacit, implicit agreement. The former can be associated with contractarian constitutionalism, whereas the latter is related to evolutionism. In this context, institutions should not be understood as formalized conventions (such as law in Hayek). They are rather the expression of a voluntary and deliberate agreement, of a covenant. The application describes features relevant to the development of a European constitution and the corresponding unified legal system. It requires a clear vision of what a European "state" is meant to be or become. Then, once a constitutional setting is chosen, one must address the question of legal organization, in particular the nature of administrative law. Two different acceptation of law are thus associated with the two concepts of convention and contractarian institution. The former can be regarded as customary rule a kind of common knowledge that emerges from tradition and sympathy. By contrast, the latter is the place of explicitly created common knowledge. If it is to become more integrated, Europe will have to tackle this constitutional question, either in an evolutionary or in a contractarian way.


2021 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 583-589
Author(s):  
Sanjeev Kumar Bragta

Baba Sahib Bhim Rao Ambedkar views on social justice are the very basis of the Indian Constitution. The social justice means providing equal social opportunities to everyone to develop their personalities, associated with equality and social rights. In every state it becomes important to secure a social order based on justice and creating an equal opportunity available to everyone. Mostly, the people are being treated with discrimination in size, color, caste, religion, race in the society because of they are mostly uneducated and from marginalized sections of the society that creates a social disorder and inequality among them. Hence, the need of the social justice is an inevitable and is the only weapon to prosper the people towards their active participation in the development and mainstream of the society. However, it becomes important to establish an egalitarian social, economic and political order in diverse society like India. It’s in this backdrop the article tries to explore the concept of social justice and Ambedkar view on it. How far Ambedkar’s reflection is visible in Indian Constitution and its relevance in the present times.


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