scholarly journals Fungsi Pengawasan Partisipatif Dalam Mewujudkan Pemilu Demokratis

2022 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Isnanto Bidja
Keyword(s):  
Political Process ◽  
Legal Culture ◽  
The Political ◽  
Election Law ◽  
Knowledge And Skills ◽  
Strategic Role ◽  
Democratic Elections ◽  
Political Apathy ◽  
Electoral Law ◽  
Political Decisions

The involvement of the community in the political process is very necessary to be considered as the existence of political apathy in the general election. The political process can be said to be democratic when the community is the main actor in making political decisions, so that democracy guarantees the participation of the community itself. Participatory election supervision is a joint way of how the community can participate in supervising both campaigns, calm periods and election day by transforming moral strength into strength. with the consequence of having knowledge and skills about electoral and monitoring techniques. The main problem in this research is how to implement participatory supervision in realizing democratic elections?. The results show that participatory supervision plays a strategic role in the formation of responsive and impartial electoral law, implementation of election law by supervisors at the field level and the formation of a community legal culture/culture that can support the creation of participatory supervision for the realization of democratic elections in 2024.

Legislators, Bureaucrats, and Canadian Democracy: The Long and the Short of It

1977 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 615-624 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lee Sigelman ◽  
William G. Vanderbok
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Civil Service ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Substantial Proportion ◽  
The Political ◽  
Annual Average ◽  
Canadian Politics ◽  
Strategic Role

The bureaucratization of the political process that characterizes twentieth century politics in many countries has not bypassed Canada—as evidenced by skyrocketing rates of government employment and expenditure and, even more dramatically, by the ever-expanding policy-making power of Canadian bureaucracy. One observer sees the civil service as occupying an increasingly strategic role in Canadian politics, a condition thatreflects in part the expanding role of modern government into highly technical areas, which tends to augment the discretion of permanent officials because legislators are obliged to delegate to them the administration of complex affairs, including the responsibility for drafting and adjudicating great amounts of sub-legislation required to “fill in the details” of the necessarily broad, organic statutes passed by Parliament. Some indication of the scale of such discretion is found in the fact that, during the period 1963–8, an annual average of 4,130 Orders-in-Council were passed in Ottawa, a substantial proportion of which provided for delegating authority to prescribe rules and regulations to ministers and their permanent advisers. By contrast, the number of laws passed annually by Canadian federal parliaments is rarely over one hundred.

Lottocratic Conceptions of Deliberative Democracy

2019 ◽  
pp. 101-137
Author(s):  
Cristina Lafont
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Deliberative Democracy ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Democratic Ideal ◽  
Democratic Control ◽  
Political Decisions ◽  
Decisional Power

This chapter analyzes “lottocratic” conceptions of deliberative democracy. Their defenders put their democratic hopes on the generalized use of deliberative minipublics such as citizens’ juries, citizens’ assemblies, and deliberative polls. Some propose conferring political decisional-power upon minipublics as a way of increasing citizens’ democratic control over the political process. Against this view, the chapter argues that such proposals cannot be defended on participatory grounds. By expecting citizens to blindly defer to the political decisions of a randomly selected group of citizens, the generalized use of minipublics for decision-making would decrease rather than increase the citizenry’s ability to take ownership over and identify with the policies to which they are subject, as the democratic ideal of self-government requires. Lottocrats are right to highlight the democratic potential of minipublics. But in order to unleash that potential we must resist the temptation of taking the “micro-deliberative shortcut” and keep our eyes on the macro-deliberative goal. Instead of empowering minipublics to make decisions for the rest of the citizenry, citizens should use minipublics to empower themselves.

Electoral Umpires and the Task of Tracking Political Campaign Funds

2020 ◽  
pp. 15-51
Author(s):  
Benjamin Enahoro Assay
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Campaign Spending ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Campaign ◽  
The Law ◽  
Electoral Law ◽  
Precarious Situation

In some climes, the electoral law places a limit on the amount political parties and candidates can spend during campaigns. But very often, contestants and their parties flout the law on campaign funds limit especially in evolving democracies where the implementation of the law is weak. And this has prompted stakeholders in the political process to urgently canvass for the tracking of campaign funds by Election Management Bodies (EMBs). In Nigeria, despite the existence of a law which requires political parties to make public their campaign spending and submit same to the Independent National Electoral Commission for scrutiny, there appears to be a zero compliance with the Electoral Act. Political parties' non-compliance with the provisions of the law has placed INEC in a precarious situation as far as the tracking of campaign funds is concerned. It is against this backdrop that this chapter proffers solutions and recommends ways to make the electoral umpire live up to its responsibilities.

Lottocratic Institutions from a Participatory Perspective

2019 ◽  
pp. 138-160
Author(s):  
Cristina Lafont
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
Democratic Control ◽  
Political Deliberation ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
High Road ◽  
Political Decisions

This chapter explores how we might institutionalize deliberative minipublics in order to serve genuinely democratic goals. In contrast to empowered uses of minipublics that would bypass the citizenry’s political deliberation, citizens could use minipublics for contestatory, vigilant, and anticipatory purposes. These uses of minipublics would improve the quality of deliberation in the public sphere and would also force the political system to take the high road of properly involving the citizenry in the political process. The chapter illustrates these potential forms of “deliberative activism” with the help of examples of actual deliberative polls that James Fishkin has conducted over several decades. This analysis shows how deliberative minipublics can help improve the democratic quality of political deliberation in the public sphere while strengthening citizens’ democratic control over political decisions.

scholarly journals Assessing (In)security after the Arab Spring: The Case of Egypt

2013 ◽  
Vol 46 (04) ◽  
pp. 727-735 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohammad Ayatollahi Tabaar
Keyword(s):  
Large Scale ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Environment ◽  
Old Regime ◽  
Striking Success ◽  
Democratic Elections ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
The Military ◽  
Islamist Movement

In nearly three years, Egypt has transitioned from a large-scale uprising against one of the region's longest-standing rulers to an even more massive revolt that led to the military ousting the country's first democratically elected president, Mohamed Morsi. Between the two popular uprisings, new pacts and unlikely alliances emerged, deepened, and, in some cases, then disappeared. For its part, the army evolved from being an accomplice of the old regime, to then being an uneasy partner of the ascendant Muslim Brotherhood and, most recently, on to rebranding itself as an ally of non-Islamists and a protector of the popular will. Loosely aligned liberals, leftists, and nationalists, meanwhile, shifted from offering support for democratic elections to backing a “democratic” coup out of fear that the elected Islamists might monopolize and never relinquish power in a conservative new regime. That fear came in response to the Brotherhood's own shifting position, which moved from a commitment to “participation not domination” to a strategy of controlling the legislature and the presidency, although they were ultimately forced back into hiding before they could neutralize the judiciary and the army. And finally, the other Islamist movement, the ultraconservative Salafists, initially displayed no interest in the political process, but then mobilized and ultimately enjoyed striking success in the elections of 2011–12. Surprisingly, however, despite their presumed ideological proximity to the Brotherhood, many Salafists went on to back the military's removal of Morsi in July 2013, but then did not lend support to the interim government that was constructed in wake of Morsi's fall. In this multilayered, fast-paced political environment, mass protests, arrests, and violence have become routine.

scholarly journals Foundations as organisational science policy interfaces? An analysis of the references to foundations made during parliamentary debates in the German federal parliament

2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (03) ◽  
pp. A06 ◽  
Author(s):  
Franziska Oehmer ◽  
Otfried Jarren
Keyword(s):  
Science Policy ◽  
Scientific Knowledge ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary Debates ◽  
Quantitative Content ◽  
German Bundestag ◽  
Scientific Systems ◽  
Theoretical Considerations ◽  
Political Decisions

Complex political decisions increasingly require scientific knowledge and expertise. But the exchange between actors from the political and the scientific systems is confronted by challenges. Science policy interfaces are needed in order to overcome the barriers to communication. This article analyses and discusses the importance of foundations as science policy interfaces. To this end, we will first present the salient features and functions of foundations as organisations in the framework of theoretical considerations and discuss their fundamental suitability as mediators of scientific knowledge in the political process. We will then identify the significance of foundations as science policy interfaces using a quantitative content analysis of references to foundations in the debates of the 18th German Bundestag.

scholarly journals LEGAL POLITICS IN THE AMENDMENT OF REGIONAL HEAD ELECTORAL LAW

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 122
Author(s):  
Fayreizha Destika Putri ◽  
Ani Purwanti
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Negative Impact ◽  
Leader Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
Foreseeable Future ◽  
Election Law ◽  
Social Categories ◽  
Social Harmony ◽  
Voter Mobilization ◽  
Electoral Law

Legal politics means that in every legislations are the result of political calculation from actors in legislative-making. The political context regarding the issue such legislation is based upon has a profound effect in the changing course of that legislation. This paper explores the political calculation, thus legal politics, behind the promulgation of Pilkada (regional leader election) law. It is found that there are two fundamental context within the promulgation of Pilkada; civil society and political party. On the former issue, Pilkada law is intended to encourage more public participation in election as to which the system has been revolutionized into a direct type of election. Meanwhile, the political party tends sought a regulation that will ease their voter mobilization. However, the problem emerges when people starts disinterested with the election which has been stained with dirty competition and nepotism. One can argue that if this problem has not been solved in the foreseeable future, the negative impact will be a disarray of social harmony divided by politically-driven social categories.

scholarly journals Dilemma over the issue of inequality: A strategy against political apathy (Politikverdrossenheit)

2016 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 262-270 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karin Schnebel
Keyword(s):  
Political Process ◽  
Democratic Society ◽  
Political Education ◽  
The Political ◽  
Central Thesis ◽  
Political Apathy

Politics is inseparable from conflict. But we often have the idea that the political process has to simply “solve” conflicts and in so doing make the conflict disappear. And because the politicians are not able to do this and instead simply continue arguing, we get the impression that we have incompetent politicians, whom we cannot trust. This is not new: in political education, it is important to see the aims and identify the meaning of conflicts. This allows us to have a constructive debate about the conflicts themselves. It is important to analyze conflicts as well as to develop the competence to deal with political controversies and conflicts constructively. This presentation will broach the issue of inequality without dramatizing it. Inequality can indeed threaten a democratic society, but for a free democratic society, inequality has to also be constitutive. The central thesis is that reflection on dilemmas stemming from inequality could be a strategy against political apathy and can help reinforce a sense of solidarity and cohesion in our society. This will be shown using an instrument borrowed from the psychology of communication, the “quadrate of value and development,” whose potentials for political education are currently being exploited for various projects.

REFERENDUM LOKALNE W POLSCE – ALE JAKIE?

2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 27-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paweł CIEŚLIŃSKI
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Local Community ◽  
Local Communities ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Moment ◽  
Political Apathy ◽  
Political Decisions

The theme of the article is to check whether in democratic Poland, the institution of localreferendum an import role in the life of the local community. This form of political participation isa „tool” of the legal expression of political decisions by the local communities. Mainly explain, youmodel a local referendum in Poland is functional or dysfunctional – almost, in the bodies responsiblefor the referendum process from the moment of submission of the application until the end of votingand perhaps in the political apathy of local communities?

Proportional Representation in Prewar Poland

Slavic Review ◽  
1964 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-116
Author(s):  
Alexander J. Groth
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Proportional Representation ◽  
Homogeneous Group ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
National Consensus ◽  
Electoral Law

Institutions can frequently play crucial roles in the political process. Rarely has this been more true than in Poland immediately after World War I, and rarely has a great political party made a more substantial mistake than did the Polish National Democrats and their allies in backing the establishment of proportional representation. It was largely because of this ill-fated electoral device that the Nationalist Right failed to win control of the first and second parliaments in renascent Poland. Coincidentally, no government based on the support of one reasonably homogeneous group could be formed until 1930, and then the conduct of the 1930 election rendered the results highly suspect.Proportional representation was first employed in Poland in the elections to the Constituent Sejm of 1919. The electoral law was promulgated in November, 1918, by Premier Jędrzej Moraczewski, whose action then could only be described as reflecting full national consensus.

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