REFERENDUM LOKALNE W POLSCE – ALE JAKIE?

2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 27-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paweł CIEŚLIŃSKI

The theme of the article is to check whether in democratic Poland, the institution of localreferendum an import role in the life of the local community. This form of political participation isa „tool” of the legal expression of political decisions by the local communities. Mainly explain, youmodel a local referendum in Poland is functional or dysfunctional – almost, in the bodies responsiblefor the referendum process from the moment of submission of the application until the end of votingand perhaps in the political apathy of local communities?

Author(s):  
Julia Schulte-Cloos ◽  
Paul C. Bauer

AbstractWhile a large body of literature empirically documents an electoral advantage for local candidates, the exact mechanisms accounting for this effect remain less clear. We integrate theories on the political geography of candidate-voter relations with socio-psychological accounts of citizens’ local attachment, arguing that citizens vote for candidates from their own local communities as an expression of their place-based identity. To test our argument, we exploit a unique feature of the German mixed-member electoral system. We identify the causal effect of candidates’ localness by relying on within-electoral-district variation coupled with a geo-matching strategy on the level of municipalities ($$\hbox {N}=11175$$ N = 11175 ). The results show that voters exhibit a strong bias in favor of local candidates even when they are not competitive. More than only expecting particularistic benefits from representatives, citizens appear to vote for candidates from their own local community to express their place-based social identity.


Pringgitan ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-16
Author(s):  
Annisaa Nurul Atiqah ◽  
Rekta Deskarina

Plaosan Temple is one of the famous new tourist destinations at the moment located in Bugisan Village, Prambanan District, Klaten Regency, Central Java. Beautiful natural conditions become part of the attraction of a tour in the village of Bugisan. In addition to the natural conditions, the Bugisan Village has several values of local wisdom that have been passed down from generation to generation by the local community. This study aims to assess the perceptions of tourists and local communities regarding the values of local wisdom in the Bugisan Village. Based on the value of local wisdom in the Bugisan Village include (1) Cultural Arts: Srandul, Jathilan, Campur Sari, Gejog Lesung, Karawitan, (2)Myth: Mbah Budho Mound and Njamasi Keris, (3) Socio-Economy: Agriculture, Trade, Crafts, Traditional Transportation Models, (4)Local Architecture. Based on the perceptions of tourists and local people, art and culture aspects are considered the most interesting and potential to be developed as the main attraction in the Bugisan Village. Keywords: attractiveness level, bugisan village, local wisdom


2004 ◽  
Vol 180 ◽  
pp. 1108-1109
Author(s):  
Agnes S. Ku

Buttressed by local scholarship, the conventional understanding of Hong Kong's political culture has long dwelt on the notions of apathy and indifference. Understanding the Political Culture of Hong Kong advances an interesting and provocative thesis to refute the conventional claim by taking readers through a historical journey of Hong Kong's major conflict events between 1949 and 1979. The author ambitiously seeks to engage in a critical evaluation of the conventional theses, especially that by Siu-kai Lau in the 1980s. Lau's idea of utilitarian familism, which is much cited in Hong Kong studies, provides an explanation of political apathy that locates the causes in the wider culture as well as in weak state-society relations. Questioning Lau's thesis on strong methodological, conceptual and empirical grounds, the author aims to present an alternative reading of Hong Kong politics, which she captures well in the subtitle: the paradox of activism and depoliticization.Contrary to Lau, the author argues that political participation was neither minimal nor simply utilitarian. She broadens the conception of political participation to include political acts targeted at the local government, the Chinese government and private institutions; discursive activities through the press; and politically relevant activities via social organizations and social movements. Using a multiple-case interpretive approach, she draws on 13 events as case studies and analyses them in terms of their scale, intensity, publicity, significance and ideological claims. The author maintains that all of the events were “impressive” and were “part of larger movements that persisted over a number of decades and that were sustained by the particular nature of society and politics at that time” (p. 229). These testify to the existence of significant levels of political activism. Adding a twist to her argument, the author further maintains that a culture of depoliticization existed side by side with political activism, which functioned to check left-wing activism in the context of Cold War and Chinese politics.


2022 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Isnanto Bidja

The involvement of the community in the political process is very necessary to be considered as the existence of political apathy in the general election. The political process can be said to be democratic when the community is the main actor in making political decisions, so that democracy guarantees the participation of the community itself. Participatory election supervision is a joint way of how the community can participate in supervising both campaigns, calm periods and election day by transforming moral strength into strength. with the consequence of having knowledge and skills about electoral and monitoring techniques. The main problem in this research is how to implement participatory supervision in realizing democratic elections?. The results show that participatory supervision plays a strategic role in the formation of responsive and impartial electoral law, implementation of election law by supervisors at the field level and the formation of a community legal culture/culture that can support the creation of participatory supervision for the realization of democratic elections in 2024.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. BE51-BE74
Author(s):  
Volker Depkat

Developing consciousness of epoch as a category of autobiographical time, the article approaches the autobiographies of Benjamin Franklin and Konrad Adenauer as acts of political communication in historico-biographical transition periods. The temporal semantics of Franklin’s and Adenauer’s autobiographical texts anchor in a consciousness of epoch, which suggests that (a) the foundations for an anticipated ideal future have been laid through the political decisionmaking of the autobiographer, and that (b) it is uncertain whether the succeeding generations of political decision-makers will continue to pursue the political course that, in the eyes of the autobiographer, will eventually realize the anticipated utopia of an ideal world. The article thus moves away from an understanding of political autobiography as justification of political decisions taken and not taken in the past. Instead, it investigates autobiography as acts of political communication legitimating the past with a future anticipated at the moment of writing the autobiography. This angle sheds light on political autobiography as a future-oriented continuation of politics by autobiographical means. The temporal semantics of the autobiographical text anchoring in a given consciousness of epoch and the communicative functions of the autobiographical act thus extend well beyond the endings of the text and the autobiographer’s life.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-45
Author(s):  
Sarah Flèche

Many countries are reallocating tasks and powers to more central levels of government. To identify centralization’s welfare effects, I use a difference-in-differences design that relies on time and cross-cantonal variation in the implementation of centralization reforms in Switzerland. I find that centralization provokes significant decreases in residents’ life satisfaction. I identify one mechanism driving the effect, namely the procedural disutility that individuals experience from having less influence over the formulation of political decisions. This effect is largest among individuals with higher expected benefits from being involved in the political decision process, with detrimental effects on local political participation.


Author(s):  
Daniel Deimel ◽  
Hermann J. Abs

AbstractAmong the different factors that predict political participation, the characteristics of the local community are often described. The types and the intensity of political participation differ in urban and rural communities. The local community provides social and cultural resources for political participation and at the same time acts as a driver of political socialisation. The political attitudes of adolescents differ depending on the characteristics of the communities in which they live, i.e. the local context of their political socialisation. This paper describes the context of the political socialisation of adolescents in the German federal state of North Rhine-Westphalia (NRW) in terms of geographical differences in socioeconomic, sociostructural, and sociocultural characteristics. The approach uses public databases to construct indicators that describe administrative districts in terms of their degree of urbanisation, degree of aggregated individual wealth, and variety of opportunity. These indicators were merged with the NRW subset of the International Civic and Citizenship Education Study (ICCS 2016), which comprises N = 1451 students in N = 59 schools. Neither the degree of urbanisation nor the degree of aggregated individual wealth was suitable for explaining differences in the intended political behaviour of secondary school students in the 8th grade in NRW. However, the higher the variety of opportunity in a certain district, the less frequently students intend to participate in elections as adults. Also, the higher the measure, the more frequently students intend to participate in illegal protest activities. Apparently certain local environments mobilise intentions to participate in protest activities and suppress more conventional political activities.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. a14en
Author(s):  
Hila Rodrigues ◽  
Isabela Melo

The purpose of this article is to discuss the act of political participation by citizens mediated by communication technologies. It is an effort to understand the potential scenarios and paths for the promotion of citizen participation in the sphere of public power. The investigation took place through the observation of a specific space on Facebook: the Plantão da Cidade group, conceived in the municipality of Ouro Preto to enable political discussions. The proposed exam highlights the possibilities offered by the online environment to ensure the political participation of ordinary people in municipal management decisions and the mobilization of local community actions.


Res Publica ◽  
1989 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-110
Author(s):  
Peter Castenmiller ◽  
Paul Dekker

In 1985 Cleymans showed in this journal that politica! participation in Belgium did not differ much from what was found in international research in other European countries. In this article some pieces of "conventional wisdom" in the international literature about structure and selectivity of political participation are questioned with Dutch data. Furthermore, information about participation in the Netherlands is important in itself. As neighbouring countries with close connections and interrelated histories, Belgium and Holland certainly deserve more attention as objects for comparative study.  In a range of ten activities from trying to contact politicians to joining a demonstration it seems to make less and less sense to look for a polarity of conventional and unconventional participation in the Netherlands. The overall political participation since 1973 appears to remain at the same level. This finding questions popular beliefs about shifts from a rebellious beginning of the seventies to a quiet period in the second half of that decade to spectacular outbursts of unconventional political behaviour at the beginning of the eighties (new social movements) and resulting in political apathy at the moment. On a macro-level the stability of participation seems to be combined with a constant or slowly rising passive political involvement. Political involvement and participation in the 1980'sare still related with individual and social background characteristics as education, sex, age, involvement in the Labour force and religion. However, relationships are not very strong in the 1980's. Following political participation of some social categories in the 1973-1986 period, it appeared that education and leftright-selfrating are of most and possibly still growing importance. Besides the higher educated and leftisht people, public employees are the "big participators" during all the years. Students evidently lose position. The gap between the sexes seems to disappear. Whereas in Belgium working outside the home does not seem to be a factor that stimulates the participation of wamen, in the Netherlands it seems to be of an utmost importance.It turns out that there are similarities and differences in political involvement and participation between Belgium and the Netherlands. Same differences may result from the fact that Cleymans used data of 1975, whereas we used data until 1986. It is clear, however, that there have been developments in the structure andselectivity of participation in the Netherlands and it would be interesting to have more recent comparative information about Belgium.


Radiant ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-151
Author(s):  
Abdul Hakam Salahudin ◽  
Erwin Widhiandono ◽  
Denny Arinanda Kurniawan

The Covid-19 pandemic has changed patterns in all aspects of society, including its impact on political participation in society. Blitar Regency is a small example in several regions in Indonesia which carry out the 2020 simultaneous regional elections during the pandemic with a slightly different style from previous years. The purpose of the study was to determine the political participation of the Blitar district community in the 2020 simultaneous elections. The qualitative research method is a socio-political research with a normative-juridical approach with empirical data obtained from some information from informants who developed in the field. The results show that in a pandemic situation Covid-19 which has the potential to reduce public political participation in exercising their voting rights, it turns out that the Blitar Regency KPU is able to create a solution that is anticipatory, namely by implementing strict health protocols, and massive socialization either directly or digitally, so that it is able to approach the expected target, even higher from the previous two years. KPU, KPPS and the local community cooperate with each other to anticipate by trying to ensure health security during the simultaneous regional elections, also always trying to avoid possible frauds.


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