scholarly journals Triunfo y fracaso de ta alternativa revolucionaria en América Central: causas y consecuencias

1996 ◽  
Vol 17 ◽  
pp. 159-184
Author(s):  
Artur Gruszczak
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Central America ◽  
Short Description ◽  
Central American ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Armed Struggle ◽  
Revolutionary Movements ◽  
Militant Groups ◽  
Democratic Elections

Abstract/short description: The article relates the rise and fall of the revolutionary groups in Central America. Gruszczak states that behind the growth of revolutionary movements in the region, such as those in Guatemala, Salvador, Nicaragua and other Central American countries, were great abuses of civil and human rights. The author notes that the groups, which have been using revolutionary ways, or in other words armed struggle, to achieve their political goals, in 1990's changed their methods of action. Following democratization processes the left-wing militant groups have transformed themselves into political parties, working within the framework of democratic elections.

Liberation Theology and the Central America Solidarity Movement

2019 ◽  
pp. 95-126
Author(s):  
Sharon Erickson Nepstad
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Social Justice ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Central America ◽  
Liberation Theology ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Central American ◽  
Religious Movements ◽  
Revolutionary Movements ◽  
School Of The Americas

This chapter examines the conditions that fostered liberation theology in Latin America. The chapter provides a brief overview of liberation theology’s central themes and how it fueled revolutionary movements in Central America, particularly in Nicaragua, El Salvador, and Guatemala. It surveys the Catholic hierarchy’s responses, ranging from sympathy to condemnation, and highlights several US religious movements that expressed solidarity with Central American Catholics who were fighting for social justice. These organizations included Witness for Peace, which brought US Christians to the war zones of Nicaragua to deter combat attacks, and also Pledge of Resistance, which mobilized tens of thousands into action when US policy toward the region grew more bellicose. Finally, the chapter describes the School of the Americas Watch, which aimed to stop US training of Latin American militaries that were responsible for human rights atrocities.

Framing Political Islam

2016 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Amir Abdul Reda
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Leadership Role ◽  
Religious Minorities ◽  
Armed Struggle ◽  
Syrian Civil War ◽  
Political Opportunity Structures ◽  
Economic Elites ◽  
The Masses ◽  
Democratic Elections ◽  
The Military

What aspects of the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood’s (a.k.a. the Ikhwan) cultural/ideological framing contributed to its failure to gather opponents of the Assad regime around its leadership during the 2011uprising? What does this reveal about why some Islamist political parties failed in situations of high political contention, such as the Syrian civil war? I argue that despite considerable evolution in the Syrian Brotherhood’s cultural/ideological framing since its first uprising (1977-82), it failed to target three crucial aspects of the 2011 uprising: the military struggle, the masses, and the religious minorities. My research outlines how the movement’s ideological shift toward non-violence and post-1982 reorientation toward democratic elections (ironically) prevented its members from playing a leadership role in what was mainly an armed struggle. At the same time, my research outlines how this evolution and its related changes attracted neither the masses, which remained oriented toward the traditional economic elites, nor the Sunni-oriented religious minorities. I argue that these three crucial aspects undermined the Ikhwan’s efforts and illustrate how poor cultural/ideological framing can doom even those Islamist political parties with the strongest resource mobilization capacities and previously unmatched situationsof political opportunity structures.

Time will mitigate post-war justice in Central America

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Central America ◽  
Crime Rates ◽  
Central American ◽  
Peace Treaty ◽  
Content Type ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
War Criminals ◽  
Vested Interests ◽  
Post War

Significance Recent prosecutions and extraditions suggest that Central American countries are beginning to make progress in holding war criminals and human rights abusers to account. Nonetheless, prosecutions remain rare, and tend not to involve senior figures. More generally, civil war legacies have consequences for state institutions, crime rates and social cohesion. Impacts Governments will face increasing pressure to tackle corruption and improve security. Wartime loyalties will dictate public opinion on war crime cases, while strong vested interests will impede prosecutions. Issues of justice and impunity in Central America give an indication of problems that may arise in post-peace treaty Colombia.

scholarly journals De migrantes a desamparados. Estudio de los migrantes indocumentados en la frontera Petén-Tabasco. [From migrants to dismissed. Study of undocumented migrants at the Petén-Tabasco border]

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-103
Author(s):  
Juan Pablo Bolio Ortiz ◽  
Héctor Joaquin Bolio Ortiz ◽  
Kiry Rebeca Vences Solis
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
Central America ◽  
The United States ◽  
Economic Situation ◽  
Central American ◽  
Undocumented Migrants ◽  
Derechos Humanos

El presente artículo presenta la situación de los migrantes centroamericanos hacia México y los Estados Unidos. El estudio se centra en el caso de la frontera Petén- Tabasco, bajo la perspectiva de los Derechos Humanos y a través del trabajo de campo, se constata la situación de vulnerabilidad en la que se encuentran los migrantes, quienes con el sueño de mejorar su situación económica terminan pasando por diversos obstáculos en su recorrido.Palabras clave: Migración, Centroamérica, derechosAbstractThis article presents the situation of Central American migrants to Mexico and the United States. We focus on the case of the Petén-Tabasco border, from the perspective of Human Rights and through fieldwork, we can see the situation of vulnerability in which migrants find themselves, who with the dream of improving their economic situation end up passing for various obstacles in its journey.Keywords: migration, Central América, rightsResumoEste artigo apresenta a situação dos migrantes da América Central para o México e os Estados Unidos. Focamos no caso da fronteira Petén-Tabasco, na perspectiva dos Direitos Humanos e através do trabalho de campo, podemos ver a situação de vulnerabilidade em que os migrantes se encontram, que com o sonho de melhorar sua situação econômica acabam passando por vários obstáculos em sua jornada.Palavras-chave: Migração, América Central, direitos

Comparative Views on the Right to Vote in International Law

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shai Dothan
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
International Law ◽  
National Courts ◽  
European Court ◽  
Right To Vote ◽  
The Right ◽  
Democratic Elections ◽  
The Way

There is a consensus about the existence of an international right to vote in democratic elections. Yet states disagree about the limits of this right when it comes to the case of prisoners’ disenfranchisement. Some states allow all prisoners to vote, some disenfranchise all prisoners, and others allow only some prisoners to vote. This chapter argues that national courts view the international right to vote in three fundamentally different ways: some view it as an inalienable right that cannot be taken away, some view it merely as a privilege that doesn’t belong to the citizens, and others view it as a revocable right that can be taken away under certain conditions. The differences in the way states conceive the right to vote imply that attempts by the European Court of Human Rights to follow the policies of the majority of European states by using the Emerging Consensus doctrine are problematic.

Marginalization, Assimilation, and Resurgence: Indigenous People in Central America since Independence

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wolfgang Gabbert
Keyword(s):  
Central America ◽  
Indigenous People ◽  
Cultural Difference ◽  
Indigenous Population ◽  
Active Role ◽  
Central American ◽  
Colonial Rule ◽  
Access To Education ◽  
Land Loss ◽  
Agricultural Export

While the end of colonial rule brought formal equality it did not end discrimination and marginalization of the indigenous population in independent Central America. Many suffered land loss and proletarianization in the emerging agricultural export economy. However, indigenous people were not mere victims of exploitation, displacement, and ladinization but played an often active role in Central American politics. Participation in the market economy and access to education fostered stratification within the indigenous population. The emergence of well-off and educated Indians and changes in international politics promoting multiculturalism contributed to the emergence of indigenous movements in recent decades. While some progress has been made concerning the recognition of cultural difference and autonomy, land rights are still a much disputed issue.

scholarly journals Preferences, vote choice, and the politics of social investment: Addressing the puzzle of unequal benefits of childcare provision

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
ERIK NEIMANNS
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Voting Behavior ◽  
Vote Choice ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Social Investment ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Individual Preferences ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
Research Gap ◽  
Original Survey

Abstract Research on the politics of social investment finds public opinion to be highly supportive of expansive reforms and expects this support to matter for the politics of expanding social investment. Expanding social investment, it is argued, should be particularly attractive to left-wing voters and parties because of the egalitarian potential of such policies. However, few studies have examined to what extent individual preferences concerning social investment really matter politically. In this paper, I address this research gap for the crucial policy field of childcare by examining how individual-level preferences for expanding childcare provision translate into voting behavior. Based on original survey data from eight European countries, I find that preferences to expand public childcare spending indeed translate into electoral support for the left. However, this link from preferences to votes turns out to be socially biased. Childcare preferences are much more decisive for voting the further up individuals are in the income distribution. This imperfect transmission from preferences to voting behavior implies that political parties could have incentives to target the benefits of childcare reforms to their more affluent voters. My findings help to explain why governments frequently fail to reduce social inequality of access to seemingly egalitarian childcare provision.

Exploring ethno-racial policy for the Garinagu in Central America: making the case for Black Indigeneity

2020 ◽  
pp. 117718012097900
Author(s):  
Sheryl Felecia Means
Keyword(s):  
Central America ◽  
Cultural Policy ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Water Rights ◽  
Central American ◽  
Language Attrition ◽  
Political Autonomy ◽  
Collective Rights ◽  
Land And Water Rights ◽  
Racial Policy

Across the Central American region, several groups received political autonomy by the end of the 20th century. By granting autonomy to these groups, countries like Nicaragua acknowledged certain populations as members of distinct ethnic groups. This was not the case for every country or group in the region, and the lack of effective ethno-racial policy-making considerations across Central America has led to language attrition, loss of land and water rights, and commodification of historic communities. This article focuses on Honduras and Belize as unique sites of ethno-racial and socio-cultural policy making, group identity making and unmaking, and group rights for the Garinagu. Specifically, this work forwards a re-examination of national ethno-racial policy and a critical assessment of political models based on ethno-cultural collective rights intended to combat racial discrimination.

Freedom Tide? Ideology, Politics, and the Origins of Democracy Promotion in U.S. Central America Policy, 1980–1984

2014 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 60-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
Evan McCormick
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Central America ◽  
Reagan Administration ◽  
Democracy Promotion ◽  
The Political ◽  
History Of ◽  
Policy Objectives ◽  
Dramatic Shift

The Reagan administration came to power in 1981 seeking to downplay Jimmy Carter's emphasis on human rights in U.S. policy toward Latin America. Yet, by 1985 the administration had come to justify its policies towards Central America in the very same terms. This article examines the dramatic shift that occurred in policymaking toward Central America during Ronald Reagan's first term. Synthesizing existing accounts while drawing on new and recently declassified material, the article looks beyond rhetoric to the political, intellectual, and bureaucratic dynamics that conditioned the emergence of a Reaganite human rights policy. The article shows that events in El Salvador suggested to administration officials—and to Reagan himself—that support for free elections could serve as a means of shoring up legitimacy for embattled allies abroad, while defending the administration against vociferous human rights criticism at home. In the case of Nicaragua, democracy promotion helped to eschew hard decisions between foreign policy objectives. The history of the Reagan Doctrine's contentious roots provides a complex lens through which to evaluate subsequent U.S. attempts to foster democracy overseas.

UNICEF in Central America

1960 ◽  
Vol 329 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-77
Author(s):  
Alice C. Shaffer
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Central America ◽  
International Organizations ◽  
Central American ◽  
The World ◽  
Working Together ◽  
Integrated Programs ◽  
Regional Basis ◽  
The United Nations

Central America has been one of the pioneer areas for the United Nations Children's Fund assisted pro grams. When the United Nations Children's Fund, under a broadened mandate from the United Nations, shifted the emphasis of its aid from emergency to long term and from war-torn countries to those economically less developed, Cen tral American governments immediately requested its assist ance to strengthen and extend services to children and mothers. As one of the first areas in the world to aim at the eradication of malaria and to have engaged in an inten sive campaign against malnutrition on a regional basis, the Central American experiences in these fields have become known, watched, and studied by people from many countries. Against this background, international and bilateral organi zations are working together with governments as they broaden the scope and the extent of their programs. Ten years of co-operative action have highlighted the need for train ing of personnel, both professional and auxiliary. This period has also made clear the value of more integrated programs with wider collaboration both within the ministries of government and between the international organizations.

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