scholarly journals PEMILIHAN UMUM SERENTAK DAPAT MEMPERKUAT SISTEM PRESIDENSIAL

Solusi ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 227-240
Author(s):  
Barhamudin Barhamudin

The purpose of this research is to find out whether general elections simultaneously have an influence on strengthening presidential systems. To find out the implications of simultaneous elections on elections in Indonesia. The research method in this study uses a normative juridical approach used to study or analyze secondary data in the form of legal materials, especially primary legal materials and secondary legal materials. Primary legal material is the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections, Decision of the Constitutional Court Number 14 / PUU-XI / 2013 etc. Secondary legal materials are those that provide explanations and interpretations of sources of primary legal materials such as law books, legal journals, and others. Tertiary legal materials are legal materials that provide guidance or explanation of primary and secondary legal materials such as legal dictionaries, encyclopedias, and related documents. The results of the study were argued that the holding of elections simultaneously with the plurality system itself actually tended to produce few presidential candidates. When presidential elections the supporters of candidates in this system tend to ignore candidates who are not competitive (non-viable) so they can focus on the top two candidates. This encouraged a coalition process between parties from the start because there was only one election round. The party that should submit its own candidate but the candidate is less competitive tends to drop the candidate and endorse one of the two most competitive candidates. The plurality system, if implemented separately from the legislative elections, the parties in the legislative elections do not need to think about the influence of the presidential election. This plurality mechanism affects parties when carried out simultaneously with legislative elections. The parties tend to nominate one of the two most competitive candidates, and lead to gathering support for the legislative parties in the two candidates. When one of the candidates wins the presidential election, then support for the president in the legislature tends to be the majority or close to the majority. The combination of the presidential plurality election system carried out simultaneously with legislative elections is the most likely to help strengthen multi-party presidential systems. Thus the simultaneous implementation of elections will strengthen the presidential system in which the President and Vice-President are elected to gain strong legitimacy from the people, in order to realize the effectiveness of government and also the support base of the DPR.

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 417-430
Author(s):  
Sonny Taufan ◽  
Risang Pujiyanto

AbstractAfter the amendment to the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, the Election of President and Vice President was not conducted by the People's Consultative Assembly but voted directly by the people. Amendment to the provision for the election of President and Vice President have invited debate, partly because they are deemed incompatible with Pancasila. This study examines the appropriateness of the presidential and vice-presidential election based on Pancasila. The research method uses normative juridical, using secondary data obtained through literature study and qualitative analysis. The result and discussion of this research are that the implementation of the election of President and Vice President based is in accordance with Pancasila, especially with the fourth principle.Keywords: Democracy, Direct Election, and Pancasila AbstrakSetelah amandemen Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945, Pemilihan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden tidak dilakukan oleh Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat tetapi dilaksanakan langsung oleh rakyat. Amandemen terhadap ketentuan untuk pemilihan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden telah mengundang perdebatan, sebagian karena mereka dianggap tidak sesuai dengan Pancasila. Studi ini mengkaji kelayakan ketentuan pemilihan presiden dan wakil presiden berdasarkan Pancasila. Metode penelitian menggunakan metode yuridis normatif, menggunakan data sekunder yang diperoleh melalui studi literatur dan dianalisis secara kualitatif. Hasil dan pembahasan penelitian ini adalah bahwa pelaksanaan pemilihan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden berdasarkan Pancasila sudah sesuai dengan Pancasila, terutama dengan prinsip keempatKata Kunci: Demokrasi, Pemilihan Langsung, Presiden dan Wakil Presiden, Pancasila. АннотацияПосле внесения поправки в Конституцию Республики Индонезия 1945 года выборы президента и вице-президента не проводились Народной Консультативной Ассамблеей, а проводились непосредственно всенародными выборами в Индонезии. Поправки к положениям о выборах президента и вице-президента вызвали дебаты, отчасти потому, что они считаются несовместимыми с Панчасилой. В этом исследовании рассматривается соответствие принятия положений о президентских и вице-президентских выборах на основе Панчасилы. Метод исследования – нормативно-юридический, используя вторичные данные, полученные в результате изучения литературы и проанализируемые качественным методом. Результаты и обсуждение этого исследования заключаются в том, что осуществление выборов президента и вице-президента на основе Панчасилы соответствует Панчасиле, особенно четвёртому принципу.Ключевые слова: Демократия, Прямые Выборы, Президент и Вице-Президент, Панчасила.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-41
Author(s):  
Muhammad Lukman Ihsanuddin

This research was conducted in order to find out the objectivity of the media in delivering news of the 2019 presidential election dispute in the Republic of Indonesia. The research method used is qualitative using Robert N. Entman's framing approach. Sources of data in this study are primary data, data obtained from the Java post coverage from the 18 June to 28 June 2019 edition, and secondary data in the form of writing about Java post and books relating to Robert N. Entman's framing analysis. The results of his research are 1) The reporting written by journalists uses two depictions of moral values, namely positive values and negative values. Positive values are often raised to describe the actions of the Constitutional Court, KPU and candidate pair 01 JokowiMa'ruf Amin, while negative values are often raised against the depictions of the candidate pair 02 Prabowo-Sandi. Almost all news texts written by journalists describe the weak position of candidate pair 02 due to the weakness of the arguments submitted and the evidence and witnesses provided cannot be accounted for, even it is reported that candidate pair 02 has also submitted witnesses who provided false statements. The second aspect is regarding the position of Jawa Pos in reporting disputes over the results of the 2019 presidential election. Journalists in Jawa Pos felt less balanced in reporting the conflict. This can be seen from the emphasis which is indirectly more favorable for the position of candidate pair Jokowi-Ma'ruf Amin compared with candidate pair 02 Prabowo-Sandi. Almost all news taken as objects of study in this study tend to prioritize Jokowi-Ma'ruf Amin and marginalize Prabowo-Sandi's position.Candidate 01Jokowi-Ma'ruf Amin is depicted as a disadvantaged party by submitting the dispute of the 2019 presidential election results to the constitutional line while pair 02 of Prabowo-Sandi is described as a guilty party and does not have a strong basis to prove his allegations regarding fraud committed by the paslon 01 Jokowi-Ma'ruf Amin. 2) the reporting of postal Javanese journalists in reporting the 2019 Presidential Election Dispute conflict, lacking balance in presenting information, tended to support the candidate pair 1 Jokowi-Ma'ruf Amin. Keywords: Framing, 2019 Presidential Election Dispute, Newspaper, Jawa Pos Penelitian ini dilakukan dalama rangka ingin mengetahui objektifitas media dalam menyampaikan berita sengketa pilpres tahun 2019 di Republik Indonesia. Dalam penelitian ini mengungakan metode kualitatif dengan menggunakan pendekatan framing Robert. N. Entman. Sumber data dalam penelitian ini adalah data primer, data yang didapatkan dari pemberitaan Jawa pos dari edisi 18 Juni sampai 28 Juni 2019,dan data sekunder berupatulisan mengenai Jawa pos serta buku-buku yang berkaitan dengan analisisframing Robert. N. Entman. Hasil penelitiannya yaitu 1) Pemberitaan yang ditulis wartawan menggunakan dua penggambaran nilai moral, yaitu nilai positif dan nilai negatif. Nilai positif sering dimunculkan terhadap penggambaran tindakan MK, KPU dan paslon 01 Jokowi-Ma’ruf Amin, sedangkan nilai negatif sering dimunculkan terhadap penggambaran tindakan paslon 02 Prabowo-Sandi. Hampir seluruh teks berita yang wartawan tulis mengambarkan lemahnya posisi paslon 02 karena tidak kuatnya dalil-dalil yang diajukan serta bukti-bukti dan saksi yang diberikan tidak dapat dipertanggungjawabkan, bahkan diberitakan bahwa paslon 02 juga telah mengajukan saksi yang memberikan keterangan palsu. Aspek kedua adalah mengenai posisi Jawa Pos dalam memberitakan sengketa hasil pilpres 2019.Wartawan Jawa Pos dirasa kurang berimbang dalam memberitakan konflik tersebut. Hal ini dapat dilihat dari penekanan yang secara tidak langsung lebih menguntungkan posisi paslon 01 Jokowi-Ma’ruf Amin dibanding dengan paslon 02 Prabowo-Sandi. Hampir seluruh berita yang diambil sebagai objek kajian dalam penelitian ini cenderung mengutamakan pihak Jokowi-Ma’ruf Amin dan memarjinalkan posisi Prabowo-Sandi. Paslon 01 Jokowi-Ma’ruf Amin digambarkan sebagai pihak yang dirugikan dengan adanya pengajuan sengketa hasil pilpres 2019 ke jalur konstitusi sedangkan paslon 02 Prabowo-Sandi digambarkan sebagai pihak yang bersalah dan tidak memiliki dasar yang kuat untuk membuktikan tuduhannya mengenai kecurangan yang telah dilakukan oleh paslon 01 Jokowi-Ma’ruf Amin. 2) pemberitaan wartawan Jawa pos dalam memberitakan konflik Sengketa Pilpres Tahun 2019, kurang berimbang dalam menyuguhkan informasi, cenderung mendukung pada paslon 1 Jokowi-Ma’ruf Amin. Kata Kunci: Framing, Sengketa Pilpres 2019, Surat Kabar, Jawa Pos


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
Suparto Suparto

ABSTRAKSelama ini pemilu presiden dan pemilu legislatif dilakukan secara terpisah atau tidak serentak. Pemilu legislatif selalu dilakukan sebelum pemilu presiden dan wakil presiden. Pemilihan umum yang dilakukan secara terpisah dianggap lebih banyak dampak negatifnya serta tidak sesuai dengan UUD NRI 1945. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah deskriptif analitis dengan pendekatan peraturan perundangundangan. Rumusan masalahnya adalah bagaimanakah pertimbangan hakim konstitusi dalam memutus Putusan Nomor 14/PUU-XI/2013 sehingga terjadi perbedaan dengan putusan sebelumnya Nomor 51-52-59/PUUVI/ 2008 terkait dengan pelaksanaan pemilu serentak. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan pertimbangan hakim konstitusi dalam memutus Putusan Nomor 14/PUUXI/ 2013 tentang pengujian Undang-Undang Nomor 42 Tahun 2008 tentang Pemilihan Umum Presiden dan Wakil Presiden terjadi inkonsistensi. Putusan Nomor 14/ PUU-XI/2013 memutuskan bahwa pemilu presiden dan wakil presiden harus dilaksanakan secara bersamaan dengan pemilu anggota DPR, DPR, dan DPRD. Sedangkan dalam putusan sebelumnya yaitu Putusan Nomor 51-52-59/PUU-VI/2008 pada pengujian pasal dan undang-undang yang sama (Pasal 3 ayat (5) Undang- Undang Nomor 42 Tahun 2008), Mahkamah Konstitusi memutuskan bahwa pemilu presiden dan wakil presiden yang dilaksanakan setelah pemilu anggota DPR, DPD, dan DPRD (tidak serentak) adalah tidak bertentangan dengan UUD NRI 1945 (konstitusional). Terjadinya pertentangan putusan ini antara lain disebabkan oleh perbedaan pilihan penafsiran konstitusi.Kata kunci: inkonsistensi, mahkamah konstitusi, pemilu serentak. ABSTRACTDuring this time, the presidential and legislative elections are conducted separately or not simultaneously. The Legislative Elections are always carried out prior to the General Elections of the President and Vice President. The general election is conducted separately as considerably having more negative impacts and inconsistency with the 1945 Constitution. This analysis uses descriptive analysis method with the pertinent laws and regulations approach. The formulation of the issue is what the Constitutional Court Justices took into consideration in its Decision Number 14/PUU-XI/2013 leading to differences to that of its previous Decision Number 51- 52-59/PUU-VI/2008 concerning the implementation of simultaneous elections. The analysis results show inconsistencies in the consideration of the Constitutional Court Justices in ruling the case through the Decision Number 14/PUU-X/2013 on the judicial review of Law Number 42 of 2008 concerning the General Elections of the President and Vice President. The Constitutional Court Decision Number 14/PUU-X/2013 decided that the General Election of the President and Vice President should be implemented simultaneously with the Legislative Election for the Member of the House of Representatives, the Regional Representatives Council, and the Regional House of Representatives. As for the previous decision, the Constitutional Court Decision Number 51-52-59/PUU-VI/2008 on the judicial review of the same article and law (Article 3 (5) of Law Number 42 of 2008), the Constitutional Court decided that the elections of the President and Vice President conducted after the Legislative Election for the Member of the House of Representatives, the Regional Representatives Council, and the Regional House of Representatives (not simultaneously) is not contradictory to the 1945 Constitution. The contradiction of these decisions is partly due to the variety of interpretation on the constitution.Keywords: inconsistency, the constitutional court, simultaneous elections.


2018 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 01001
Author(s):  
Budiman N.P.D Sinaga ◽  
Sahat H.M.T Sinaga

In the 1945 Constitution of the Republic Indonesia, there is an order to further regulate in the Law such as the general election that has been enacted Law No. 7/ 2017 on General Election. In its Law, the results of the general election is merely a dispute over the result of the general election regarding the determination of the vote which may affect the election participants’ seats and the President and Vice President election results. The objective of this paper is to find out the legal consequences of the provisions of the law which reduce the authority of state institutions that have been regulated in the 1945 Constitution. The approach of this research is status approach that will be used by examining the laws and regulations relating to the problem. The provisions of the Law on General Elections can be said to have reduced the authority of the Constitutional Court granted the Constitution. There should be strong grounds for an amendment to this provision it can be done immediately by the House of Representatives and the President. Testing by the Constitutional Court may be done but it is better through changes by the House of Representatives and the President.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 99
Author(s):  
Anies Prima Dewi ◽  
Idea Islami Parasatya

This study discusses the implementation of elections as an indicator in the democratic system because it is the people who determine the direction of the policy of state power through their political suffrage. The people as the highest authority in their voting rights are very important in the implementation of elections. After the issuance of the Constitutional Court ruling Number 14/PUU-XI/2013 concerning the implementation of simultaneous general elections in 2019, what became much of a conversation and debate was about the voters' rights for persons with mental disability. This study uses the normative legal research method. Using secondary data sources and qualitative descriptive analysis. The results of this study show that the KPU Commissioner stated that persons with mental disabilities can exercise their right to vote by bringing a letter of recommendation or information from a doctor to be able to exercise their right to vote at the polling station (TPS). This is confirmed after the decision of the Constitutional Court Number 135/PUU-XIII/2015 which states Article 57 paragraph (3) of the Election Law does not have binding legal force as long as the phrase 'mentally disturbed or memory' is not interpreted as' experiencing mental disorders and/or permanent memory impairment which according to mental health professionals has eliminated a person's ability to vote in elections'. This reinforces and becomes a normative basis that persons with mental disabilities have the right to vote in the simultaneous general elections in 2019.Keywords: general elections; people with mental disabilities; voting rights.ABSTRAKPenelitian ini mebahas tentang pelaksanaan pemilihan umum menjadi indikator dalam sistem demokrasi karena rakyatlah yang menjadi penentu arah kebijakan kekuasaan negara melalui hak pilihan politiknya. Rakyat sebagai pemegang kekuasaan tertinggi dalam hak pilihnya menjadi sangat penting dalam pelaksaan pemilihan umum. Pasca keluarnya putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 14/PUU-XI/2013 mengenai pelaksanaan pemilihan umum serentak tahun 2019, yang menjadi banyak perbincangan dan perdebatan adalah mengenai hak pemilih bagi penyandang diisabilitas mental. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode Penelitian Hukum normatif. Menggunakan sumber data sekunder serta analisis deskriptif kualitatif. Adapun hasil penelitian ini terlihat bahwa Komisioner KPU menyatakan penyandang disabilitas mental dapat menggunakan hak pilihnya dengan membawa surat rekomendasi atau keterangan dari dokter untuk bisa menggunakan hak pilihnya di tempat pemungutan suara (TPS). Hal ini dipertegas pasca putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 135/PUU-XIII/2015 yang menyatakan Pasal 57 ayat (3) Undang-Undang Pemilu tidak mempunyai kekuatan hukum mengikat sepanjang frasa ‘terganggu jiwa atau ingatannya’ tidak dimaknai sebagai ‘mengalami gangguan jiwa dan/atau gangguaningatan permanen yang menurut professional bidang kesehatan jiwa telah menghilangkan kemampuan seseorang untuk memilih dalam pemilihanumum’. Hal ini memperkuat dan menjadi dasar normatif bahwa penyandang disabilitas mental memiliki hak pilih dalam pelaksanaan pemilihan umum serentak tahun 2019.Kata kunci: hak memilih; pemilihan umum; penyandang disabilitas mental.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 72-80
Author(s):  
Liberthin Palullungan ◽  
Trifonia Sartin Ribo

Indonesia is a country that implements a presidential system and a multi-party system jointly. The implementation of general elections has been regulated in the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. The presidential threshold is a concept used in proposing candidates for President and Vice President. Proposals are made by political parties or joining political parties by general election participants. This article analyzes the application of the presidential threshold after the Constitutional Court decision Number 114 / PUU-XI / 2013. The purpose of this writing is to determine the application of the Presidensitial threshold after the Constitutional Court decision Number 14 / PUU-XI / 013, and to determine the impact of the Constitutional Court decision number 14 / PUU-XI / 2013 on political parties. The research method used is qualitative and conceptual normative research methods. Based on this article, it is known that the application of the presidential threshold in which political parties must obtain seats 20% of the number of seats in the DPR or 25% of the valid votes nationally in the previous DPR elections, so that making new or small parties will not be able to nominate the President and Vice President themselves, but parties can form a coalition.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 97
Author(s):  
Anwar Hafidzi ◽  
Panji Sugesti

Abstract: The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia has 4 (four) authorities and one obligation, as for those authorities, namely: (1) The Constitutional Court has the authority to adjudicate at the first and last level whose decisions are final to test the Law against the Constitution, (2) decide authority disputes of State Institutions whose authority is granted by the Constitution, (3) decide upon the dissolution of political parties, (4) and decide upon disputes about the results of general elections. The obligations, namely the Constitutional Court is obliged to give a decision on the opinion of the House of Representatives regarding the alleged violation by the President and / or Vice President. Beyond the specified authority, the Constitutional Court has increased its authority to test the Substitute Government Regulations. The research method used in this study is a type of normative legal research that is a literature study or documentary, by examining theories, concepts and legal principles. The results of this study found that there is indeed no rule that gives the Constitutional Court authority to test regulation in lie of law, but the Constitutional Court has the consideration that the legal norms contained in the Perppu are the same as the Law. The results of this study are that the interpretation used by constitutional justices to test Perppu is a teleological and sociological interpretation.Keywords: Interpretation; Test; PERPPU; Constitutional Court.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 267
Author(s):  
Rizki Bagus Prasetio ◽  
Febri Sianipar

This research is intended to discuss the relevance of the application of presidential threshold and the implementation of simultaneous general elections in Indonesia. The concept of simultaneous general elections is the implementation of legislative and executive elections which are carried out simultaneously. The implementation of the first simultaneous general elections in Indonesia was motivated by a request for a judicial review of Law Number 42 Year 2008 concerning the Election of the President and Vice President. The Constitutional Court issued the Constitutional Court Decision Number 14/PUU-IX/2013 with the decision granting part of the request which later gave birth to the implementation of simultaneous elections in Indonesia starting in 2019. However, from the various articles that were reviewed, there was one article that was not decided by the Constitutional Court, namely regarding the presidential threshold. The Constitutional Court is of the opinion that the regulation regarding the presidential threshold is an open legal policy for the legislature. This paper is a normative legal research, with conceptual approach and statute approach to find answers to existing problems. The research source used is secondary data consisting of primary legal materials and secondary legal materials as explanation for primary legal materials. From the results of this research, it was found that the simultaneous elections and the presidential threshold were not compatible. On the one hand, the presidential threshold aims to simplify the number of parties.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-78
Author(s):  
Ridwan Arifin

The number of general elections in Indonesia, such as in regional head elections, leagislative elections and in the election of president and vice president. In general elections, the president and vice president are often referred to as legislative elections, while the head of the region itself has the title, namely regional head elections only. The proverb says that where there is a rule there will be an offense. Therefore, to avoid any undesirable things, an improvement is needed to deal with this. In order to avoid fraud, in the improvement there is certainly an institution that regulates, namely from the law apparatus, as an apparatus in law enforcement is required to be able to ensure the existence of violations in the implementation of elections only because solely to enforce integrated law. In fact, the general election is always interesting so that it can be investigated, which is contained in the rules, implementation, and in the participants and the community. It certainly determines the success of the general election. If the rules are already felt or considered to be good in its implementation without capable law enforcement so that it will be difficult also in its realization. Good rules and good law enforcers also cannot maximize if the people themselves are ignorant and do not care about existing regulations. So, order between the three of them bound each other. In general elections it does not only involve one or two people, but requires a lot of people, so that the community is required to participate in issuing their opinions. But with so many parties participating in the election, there were many violations of the implementation, for example in 2014, where there were still many violations in general elections. Whereas at that time there was a socialization of the implementation of the general election which was socialized by the KPU and Bawaslu, not only socialization but also from the Bawaslu and its staff who participated in efforts to prevent the occurrence of violations in general elections. Although in the end socialization in prevention still cannot reduce the number of violations that exist. In dealing with this problem the creation of a system can reduce violations during the election, namely the process of synergy of Gakkumdu with the aim of realizing democratic elections in 2019 in the hope that it can provide the effect of clarity and change in carrying out general elections


Author(s):  
Sodikin Sodikin

Permasalahan ini dilatarbelakangi adanya putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi yang dalam putusannya memutuskan uji materi norma Pasal 3 ayat (4), Pasal 9, Pasal 14 ayat (2) dan Pasal 112 Undang-Undang Nomor 42 Tahun 2008 tentang Pemilihan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden terhadap UUD 1945. Mahkamah Konstitusi memutuskan bahwa pasal-pasal tersebut, kecuali Pasal 9 Undang-Undang Nomor 42 Tahun 2008 tidak mempunyai kekuatan mengikat, sehingga pemilu dapat dilaksanakan secara bersamaan atau serentak antara pemilu Presiden dan Wakil Presiden dengan pemilu legislatif tahun 2019. Terjadinya polemik atas putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi tersebut, karena pemilu serentak dapat dilaksanakan pada 2019, bukannya dilaksanakan pada 2014 sekarang ini. Selain itu, Mahkamah Konstitusi tidak mempermasalahkan ambang batas ( presidential threshold ) yang terdapat dalam Pasal 9 Undang-Undang Nomor 42 Tahun 2008, karena masalah tersebut dikembalikan kepada pembentuk Undang-Undang. Permasalahannya dalam tulisan ini adalah apakah pemilu serentak pada 2019 dapat meniadakan atau masih mempergunakan ambang batas ( presidential threshold ) dalam pemilu presiden dan wakil presiden. Ada perbedaan pendapat terhadap ambang batas ( presidential threshold ) karena akan mempengaruhi penguatan sistem presidensial yang dianut dalam UUD 1945. UUD 1945 menganut sistem presidensial murni yang mempunyai kedudukan yang kuat, sehingga presiden dalam menjalankan pemerintahannya mempunyai posisi yang kuat, meskipun tidak didukung oleh mayoritas parlemen, karena presiden tidak bertanggung jawab kepada parlemen, tetapi bertanggung jawab kepada rakyat yang memilihnya.<p>This problem is motivated from the Constitutional Court’s verdict that decide to judicial review norms of Article 3 verse (4), Article 9, Article 14 verse (2) and Article 112 of Law Number 42 Year 2008 on the Election of President and Vice- President under the Republic of Indonesia’s 1945 Constitution. The Constitutional Court decided all that articles except article 9 in Law Number 42 Year 2008 did not have legal bonding to make the President and Vice President’s election run alongside the legislative’s election in 2019. Problems comes because the President and Vice President’s election run alongside the legislative’s election will run in 2019 not in this 2014’s election. Besides, The Constitutional Court did not matters the presidential threshold contained in Article 9 of Law No. Number 42 Year 2008, because that matter returned to the legislators. The problem in this paper is whether simultaneous election in 2019 may negate or still using presidential threshold election for president and vice president. There are different opinions on the presidential threshold because it will affect the strengthening of the presidential system adopted in the Republic of Indonesia’s 1945 Constitution. the Republic of Indonesia’s 1945 Constitution adheres pure presidential system that has a strong position, so the president in running his government has a strong position, even though not supported by a majority of the parliament, because the president is not responsible to parliament, but responsible to the people who choose him.</p>


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