scholarly journals Dwifungsi ABRI Dalam Konflik Internal PDI 1976-1998

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-192
Author(s):  
Alphonsius Rodriquest Eko W ◽  
Kurniawati Kurniawati ◽  
M. Hasmi Yanuardi ◽  
Maulani Maulani

 Abstrak: Penelitian ini mengkaji tentang pelaksanaan konsep Dwifungsi ABRI dalam konflik internal Partai Demokrasi Indonesia (PDI). Penelitian bertujuan untuk mengetahui keterlibatan militer dalam konflik internal PDI.  Metode penelitian yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode sejarah, yakni terdiri dari pengumpulan sumber, verifikasi/ kritik sejarah, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Terlibatnya militer dalam kehidupan sosial-politik di Indonesia tidak lepas peran Jenderal A.H.Nasution. Puncak dari campur tangan ABRI dalam konflik internal PDI adalah dengan terjadinya Peristiwa 27 Juli 1996. Konflik yang melibatkan DPP PDI Megawati dan DPP PDI Soerjadi ini diduga juga melibatkan pihak eksternal partai, khususnya pemerintah dan ABRI. Dampak dari Peristiwa 27 Juli 1996 dirasakan semua pihak yang terlibat, baik pemerintah, ABRI, PDI dan bahkan masyarakat.Kata kunci: Dwifungsi, ABRI, PDIAbstract: This study examines the implementation of the dual concept of ABRI in the internal conflict of the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI). The research aims to determine the involvement of the military in the internal conflicts of the PDI. The research method used in this study is the historical method, which consists of collecting sources, verifying / critique history, interpretation, and historiography. The results showed that the involvement of the military in socio-political life in Indonesia could not be separated from the role of General A.H.Nasution. The peak of ABRI's interference in the PDI internal conflict was the 27 July 1996 incident. The conflict involving the Megawati PDP Megawati and the Soerjadi PDI was allegedly also involving external parties, especially the government and ABRI. The impact of the July 27, 1996 incident was felt by all parties involved, both the government, ABRI, PDI and even the communityKeywords: Dual Function, ABRI,  PDI 

Author(s):  
Acep Rahmat ◽  
Nana Supriatna ◽  
Moch Eryk Kamsori

This bachelor thesis titled “The political role of Javanese Ethnic in Suriname (1991- 2015), the main issues raised in this research is “How was the political role of Javanese ethnic in Suriname 1991- 2015?”. The main problem in this thesis divided into four questions, namely: (1) Why did Javanese Ethnic interested in Suriname’s politics? (2) How was the political development in Suriname in 1991- 2015? (3) How was the contribution of Javanese ethnic in Suriname in 1991-2015? (4) How was the impact of the political role of Javanese ethnic in Suriname in 1991- 2015? (3). That four questions become the basic and the main problem in this research. This research uses the historical method includes the four steps in it, such as heuristic, critic, interpretations and historiography. Meanwhile, the data collection techniques that used in this research is  literature studies, by examining the sources that relevant with the problems in this research. The approach in this research using interdisciplinary approaches by using the concept of politics, anthropology and sociology. The politics concepts that used is political party and government. The concept used from anthropology is ethnic, and the concepts from sociology is social mobility and adaptation theory. The main content of this research is the role of Javanese ethnic as newcomers in politics in Suriname. This research explains that the existence of discrimination policy by the Suriname’s special autonomy government against Javanese Ethnic who were reputed as the newcomers that made them joined politics in Suriname by establishing Javanese parties, entering the government and parliament, so that giving the impact for the Javanese ethnic on the modern era, there are many important political figures in  Suriname who served as the head of parliament, prime minister and the candidate of Suriname’s president.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Aye Mon Paing

<p>Since 2010, Myanmar has been making a transition to a democratic country after 40 years under successive military regimes. The semi-civilian government led by President U TheinSein has been in charge of Myanmar since the democratic reform is carried out. After Myanmar's new government has carried out its democratic reform for 2 years, international assistance has come in Myanmar to assist Myanmar's democratization in 2012 unlike before 2010. Western donors who were not active in providing aid in Myanmar became enthusiastic to help Myanmar's democratization in various ways. Civil society in Myanmar is still small and informally organized to participate as a strong actor in Myanmar's democratization. Democratic aid to nurture civil society in Myanmar, which has been repressed for long time, became an important aid to strengthen democracy in Myanmar.  This thesis will analyse the relation between democratic aid through civil society and democratization in Myanmar. It is based on recently completed in-country research involving document analysis and semi-structured interviews. The paper investigates what is the impact of democratic aid through civil society on Myanmar's democratization process.  The findings of this thesis indicate that democratic aid was not delivered in Myanmar under the successive military regimes to impose democratization. Democratic aid has started to be delivered again after the Myanmar government started its process of democratization mostly due to domestic factors, such as people's dissatisfaction with the military governments. When western donors started supporting the democratization process in Myanmar, they provided democratic assistance to sustain local civil society organisations in Myanmar in order to act as a check and balance to the Myanmar government and to make it more accountable to the citizens. Democratic assistance towards civil society has been promoting the role of civil society organisations in politics, creating a platform for communication between the government and local civil society organisations to increase the all-inclusiveness in Myanmar's democratization process. With the democratic assistance from western donors, local civil society organisations became more developed and started working as one of the check and balance actors in Myanmar's politics. Thus, democratic assistance to civil society has increased the sustainability of local civil society organisations in Myanmar to participate in the democratization process. However, democratic assistance to civil society has only started recently, in 2012, and there are challenges in providing assistance to civil society to promote democratization. If those challenges can be avoided in delivering aid to civil society, the assistance towards civil society can have a better impact on democratization in Myanmar.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Aye Mon Paing

<p>Since 2010, Myanmar has been making a transition to a democratic country after 40 years under successive military regimes. The semi-civilian government led by President U TheinSein has been in charge of Myanmar since the democratic reform is carried out. After Myanmar's new government has carried out its democratic reform for 2 years, international assistance has come in Myanmar to assist Myanmar's democratization in 2012 unlike before 2010. Western donors who were not active in providing aid in Myanmar became enthusiastic to help Myanmar's democratization in various ways. Civil society in Myanmar is still small and informally organized to participate as a strong actor in Myanmar's democratization. Democratic aid to nurture civil society in Myanmar, which has been repressed for long time, became an important aid to strengthen democracy in Myanmar.  This thesis will analyse the relation between democratic aid through civil society and democratization in Myanmar. It is based on recently completed in-country research involving document analysis and semi-structured interviews. The paper investigates what is the impact of democratic aid through civil society on Myanmar's democratization process.  The findings of this thesis indicate that democratic aid was not delivered in Myanmar under the successive military regimes to impose democratization. Democratic aid has started to be delivered again after the Myanmar government started its process of democratization mostly due to domestic factors, such as people's dissatisfaction with the military governments. When western donors started supporting the democratization process in Myanmar, they provided democratic assistance to sustain local civil society organisations in Myanmar in order to act as a check and balance to the Myanmar government and to make it more accountable to the citizens. Democratic assistance towards civil society has been promoting the role of civil society organisations in politics, creating a platform for communication between the government and local civil society organisations to increase the all-inclusiveness in Myanmar's democratization process. With the democratic assistance from western donors, local civil society organisations became more developed and started working as one of the check and balance actors in Myanmar's politics. Thus, democratic assistance to civil society has increased the sustainability of local civil society organisations in Myanmar to participate in the democratization process. However, democratic assistance to civil society has only started recently, in 2012, and there are challenges in providing assistance to civil society to promote democratization. If those challenges can be avoided in delivering aid to civil society, the assistance towards civil society can have a better impact on democratization in Myanmar.</p>


2021 ◽  
Vol 29 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. i35-i35
Author(s):  
S S Alghamdi ◽  
R Deslandes ◽  
S White ◽  
K Hodson ◽  
A Mackridge ◽  
...  

Abstract Introduction Since 2019, the role of independent pharmacist prescribers (IPPs) in primary care has extended to community pharmacies in Wales [1]. This was in response to a Welsh Pharmaceutical Committee report in 2019 that outlined a plan to include an IPP in each community pharmacy in Wales by 2030. This aimed to relieve pressure on general practices, enhance patient care and reduce referral and admission rates to secondary care [2]. As funding was provided by the Government, the number of community pharmacists completing the independent prescribing course increased and many have implemented their prescribing role. Aim To explore the views of community IPPs regarding their prescribing role within community pharmacies in Wales. Methods Semi-structured face-to-face and telephone interviews were conducted with community IPPs from all seven health boards (HBs) in Wales. Ethical approval was obtained from the School of Pharmacy and Pharmaceutical Sciences at Cardiff University and the School of Pharmacy and Bioengineering at Keele University. Purposive sampling was used to identify potential participants. Gatekeepers (HB community pharmacy leads and directors of IPP courses in Wales) sent invitation emails, participant information sheet and consent form to potential participants. Written consent was obtained. Interviews were audio-recorded and transcribed ad verbatim. Thematic analysis was used to analyse the data. Results Thirteen community IPPs across Wales participated. Six themes were identified, including the utilisation of their role as community IPPs, their experiences with their independent prescribing training, motivation to obtain their prescribing qualification and utilise it, the impact, barriers and facilitators to implement and utilise their role. Participants practised as IPPs in the management of minor ailments and some other conditions, such as respiratory and sexual health. The course and training for community IPPs was helpful, but there was a need to focus more on therapeutic and clinical examination skills. The main impact of the role was that it helped to improve communication between community pharmacies and general practices and relieved some pressure on general practices. The main barriers were the lack of appropriate funding by the Government to develop the role, lack of access to patients’ medical records, lack of support and high workload. “One of the areas identified as high risk is for pharmacy prescribers is the lack of access to clinical records. How can you [as community IPPs] make any sensible decisions with half the information?” IPP6 Facilitators included that some services were already in place and the drive from the 2030 vision. Conclusion This is the first study that explored the views of community IPPs regarding their prescribing role in community pharmacies in Wales. It provided an insight into this new role that can be considered by the Welsh Government to achieve the 2030 vision for this role. A limitation to this study was that the role is still new in community pharmacies, which may affect the views of the community IPPs. Many of them have obtained their prescribing qualification but have not started to utilise it yet. Further work is needed to explore a wider population of community IPPs’ experiences as the role develops. References 1. Wickware, C. 2019. All community pharmacies in Wales to have an independent prescriber as part of long-term plan for Welsh pharmacy. Available at: https://www.pharmaceutical-journal.com/news-and-analysis/news/all-community-pharmacies. 2. Welsh Pharmaceutical Committee. 2019. Pharmacy: Delivering a Healthier Wales. Available at: https://www.rpharms.com/Portals/0/RPS%2.


Author(s):  
Rodolfo Hoffmann

Income inequality in Brazil, already high, increased after the military coup of 1964 and remained very high even after democratization in the 1980s. It decreased substantially in the period 2001–2014, after inflation was controlled. The Gini index of the per capita household income dropped from 0.594 in 2001 to 0.513 in 2014. The determinants of this decline in inequality are analyzed considering the components of that income and how each one affected changes in inequality, showing the impact of changes in the remuneration of private sector employees and in pensions paid by the government, as well as federal transfer programs. Changes in education lie behind the first of these effects, and the increase of the minimum wage reinforced all three. The economic crises after 2014 interrupted the process of decline, and among economically active persons, inequality even increased from 2014 to 2015. Measures to further reduce inequality are suggested.


2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (5) ◽  
pp. 632-644
Author(s):  
M Davood Sokhanwar ◽  
Seyed Mahdi Sajjadi ◽  
Yahia Baiza ◽  
Mohsen Imani

This study examines women’s access to education (‘gender justice’) during the rule of the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan from 1978 to 1992, using a qualitative research methodology and discourse analysis at the operational level from the perspective of Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory. The data collected in this research were extracted from textual sources concerning the role of women in education in Afghanistan in the Marxist era: the importance of the data concerns an understanding of the intellectual and political atmosphere, particularly with regard to women’s education, in the government of the time. It is concluded that several factors contributed to the failure of the hegemonic discourse, despite intensive efforts made by Marxist government to realize hegemony and gender justice. Political agents, availability, credibility and exclusion, as elements of the hegemonic discourse, were evaluated and it is further concluded that these elements were unable to play an effective role in the discourse, as had been expected, and were gradually marginalized.


2020 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 285-300
Author(s):  
Abhinav Alakshendra ◽  
Arjun Kumar ◽  
Simi Mehta

India is urbanizing at an alarming rate and the impact of climate change is becoming more visible each passing day. The rapid urbanization and climate change have severe direct and indirect consequences, such as increasing poverty, inequality, massive displacement, public health concerns, and challenges of urban governance, among others. This paper identifies some of the most pressing issues faced by urban India in the context of climate change. It also details the interventions undertaken at the local, national, and international levels to counter the effect of the climate change. In addition, it critically evaluates the role of government organizations, especially in terms of undertaking regulatory and planning functions. The paper argues that the implementation of institutional reforms would enable the government to reach out to the private sector to improve urban service delivery. It also provides examples of best practices from India and the world in combating climate change through adaptation and mitigation approaches.Abstrak. India mengalami urbanisasi pada tingkat yang mengkhawatirkan dan dampak perubahan iklim menjadi terlihat setiap hari. Urbanisasi yang cepat dan perubahan iklim memiliki konsekuensi langsung dan tidak langsung yang parah, seperti antara lain meningkatnya kemiskinan, ketimpangan, pengungsian besar-besaran, masalah kesehatan masyarakat, dan tantangan tata kelola kota. Makalah ini mengidentifikasi beberapa masalah paling mendesak yang dihadapi oleh perkotaan India dalam konteks perubahan iklim. Makalah ini juga merinci intervensi yang dilakukan di tingkat lokal, nasional, dan internasional untuk melawan dampak perubahan iklim. Selain itu, secara kritis makalah ini mengevaluasi peran organisasi pemerintah, terutama dalam menjalankan fungsi pengaturan dan perencanaan. Makalah ini berpendapat bahwa pelaksanaan reformasi kelembagaan akan memungkinkan pemerintah menjangkau sektor swasta untuk membantu meningkatkan pelayanan perkotaan. Makalah ini juga memberikan contoh praktik terbaik dari India dan dunia dalam memerangi perubahan iklim melalui pendekatan adaptasi dan mitigasi.Kata kunci. Urbanisasi, perubahan iklim, keterkaitan, tata kelola kota, mitigasi.


Author(s):  
Suryani Rosa Harahap ◽  
Ricu Sidiq

This study aims to determine the role of Amri Tambunan in the period before and after becoming Deli Serdang Regent, knowing the condition of Deli Serdang in the first period 2004-2009, and the second period 2009-2014 during the leadership of Amri Tambunan. This research uses the historical method. Based on the results of the study, it was concluded that Amri Tambunan was known as a North Sumatra figure, among others as the Chairperson of KAPPI Siantar (1964), Deputy Chair of PCNU Deli Serdang (1988), Deputy Chair of North Sumatra PWNU (1999), Chair of the North Sumatra Kepamongan Alumni Family Association (2010 to present), Mustasyar PWNU North Sumatra (2007 to present), and Chairman of the Honorary Board of the North Sumatra Democratic Party (2011-2016). In addition, Amri Tambunan also has a number of achievements in various fields from 2009 to 2013 at national and international levels, such as the Innovative Government Award (IGA) and the Darling Mother and Baby Hospital.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 157-165
Author(s):  
Celine Canes ◽  
Vanessa Aurelia ◽  
Juan Phillip Yoel Tanesia ◽  
Albert Hasudungan ◽  
Erica Lukas

The role of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) has only grown in tandem with globalization, as it plays a dual function by improving capital accumulation whilst simultaneously growing total factor yield, which puts it at an advantage over foreign aids and foreign portfolio investments. Using panel data from 34 Indonesian provinces over the 2015 - 2019 period, this research examined the determinants of provincial FDI and its impact on regional economic development in Indonesia. The random effect method with robust standard error was used to regress the model, and the variables found to be positively significant were the ratio of industrial value added for micro sized firms to regional GDP, as well as the growth rate of industrial value added for small sized firms. Our analysis revealed that micro-sized firms tend to have much higher industrial value added compared to small-sized firms, and that these firms tend to cluster in Western Indonesia. The role of the government should be to foster the growth and competitiveness of small and micro-sized firms, especially for regions where the industrial value added is still low. Further study is suggested on the determinants of industrial value added at the provincial level, as well as more comprehensive research on FDI determinants with a larger dataset.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-137
Author(s):  
Yohannes Tesfaye Getachew

Abstract Koshe town is the administrative and commercial center of Mareko woreda.1 It is found in Gurage Zone Southern Nation Nationalities and Peoples Regional State. According to the tradition the origin of the name “Koshe” is originated from the plant which called by the name Koshe which abundantly grow in the area. The establishment of Koshe town is directly associated with the five years Italian occupation. Due to the expansion of patriotic movement in the area Italian officials of the area forced to establish additional camp in the area in a particular place Koshe. This paper explores the role of Fascist Italy for the establishment of Koshe town. The former weekly market shifted its location and established around the Italian camp. Following the evacuation of Fascist Italy the Ethiopian governments control the area. During the government of Emperor Haile Selassie Koshe town got some important developmental programs. The most important development was the opening of the first school by the effort of the Swedes.2 The Military regime (Derg)3 also provided important inputs for the urbanization of Koshe town. This research paper observes the development works that flourish in Koshe during the reign of Emperor Haile Selassie and the Military regime, and also asses the role of different organizations for the urbanization of Koshe town.


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