scholarly journals Voices from Indonesian Legislative on Religious Education Policy

2021 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jamhari Jamhari ◽  
Yunita Faela Nisa
Keyword(s):  
Public Schools ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Religious Education ◽  
Vital Role ◽  
Suicide Bombing ◽  
The Public ◽  
Study Results ◽  
Violent Extremism ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

Religious violent extremism remains a problem for Indonesia. Recently, three consecutive attacks carried out by violent religious extremists — a suicide bombing in front of a Cathedral Church in Makassar South Sulawesi, the discovery of several prepared high explosive bombs in Condet Jakarta, and a female lone wolf attack on the Indonesian Police Criminal Investigation Agency — shocked the public (Fakta-data di Balik Bom Bunuh Diri, 29 Maret 2021; Polisi sebut Terduga Teroris Condet & Bekasi, 2021; Teroris Penyerang Mabes Polri, 2021). It may not be surprising since there were some early indications from various studies that some Indonesian people still have religious attitudes and behaviors that are exclusive, closed, anti-citizenship, anti-state, and even pro-violence (PPIM, 2016, 2017, 2018; Puspidep, 2017, 2018). The PPIM study results (2018) show that around 58.5 percent of students tend to be religious radical, and 51.1 percent tend to be intolerant to differences within Muslim groups. Then, as many as 34.3 percent of students are intolerant to non-Muslim groups. Radical views that are intolerant toward those who are different are the first step to violent extremism. These studies are a reminder that violent extremism is a problem for all of Indonesian society. Therefore, PPIM surveyed the perceptions of the public, students, teachers, and Indonesian Members of Parliament on violent extremism.In Indonesia, political parties have a vital role. Political parties develop policies, laws, and regulations. Another strategic part is that political parties become important actors in crystallizing citizens' political aspirations, including rules related to religion and religious education (Mujani & Liddle, 2018; Muhtadi & Mietzner, 2019; LIPI, 2018, 2019). Through their representatives — who are elected through a regular fair election once every five years — in the House of Representatives of the Republic of Indonesia, political parties have an essential role in determining public policy through their function as a check and balance institution for the Government. The enactment of religious education as a compulsory subject for all students at all levels has become a debate among the Indonesian public, and whether the Government should regulate religious issues in public education. The issue of religious education in public schools is essential as PPIM's research suggests that the religious subject's teachers may contribute to students' radical views (PPIM, 2017).

scholarly journals E-7 To Explore the Economic Challenges Face Madaris Graduates In Job Markets

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 57-68
Author(s):  
Mahboob Ali Dehraj ◽  
Inayatullah Bhatti
Keyword(s):  
Religious Education ◽  
Mixed Method ◽  
Survey Methods ◽  
Poverty Line ◽  
Vital Role ◽  
Mixed Method Research ◽  
The Public ◽  
Research Survey ◽  
Job Opportunities ◽  
The Government

Madrassa plays a vital role in religious education of Muslim. And a very great number of pass out graduate from these institution have not provided opportunities from the Government, Majority of the graduates are living below the poverty line. For this study st Objective: a) to identify the economic challenges faced for these Madrassa students. B)  To evaluate the current job opportunities for Madrassa graduates. C) To assess the curriculum adopted in Madrassa for the demand of Markets. D) This study was mixed method research, survey methods and interviews were selected for data collection. The data was collected from Madrassa graduates of three talukas of district Matiari through a questionnaire, while four expert of Madersa education side and four from the public education were selected and semi structured questions were asked from the respondents. Close ended questionnaires were distributed among 200 graduates and collected data were further analyzed. The finding was obtained through a questionnaire that the majority of Madrassa graduates get their jobs as supervision /Pesh imam of Masajid or Madersa teacher or Mozin of Masjid, Their salaries are not sufficient to meet the daily needs of their family. The curriculum of Madrassa are non-religious subjects and technology is in the lowest position.. The study highlights the economic crisis of graduates and recommended that these graduates should provide both modern and Islamic education regarding the need of the time, these students also proved technical education, Government also proved them free interest loan,

Rhetorical strategies of political parties and organized movements

2009 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 307-328 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Nugus
Keyword(s):  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Deliberative Democracy ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
Cognitive Bias ◽  
Discursive Construction ◽  
Rhetorical Strategies ◽  
Political Language ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Republic

Research on the Australian monarchy—republican debate has considered arguments for and against the republic, the 1999 referendum and interpretations of the republic. Little attention has been paid to the debate’s discursive construction. Therefore, this article analyzes the rhetorical strategies with which political parties and organized movements sought to persuade the public to adopt their position in the debate in the 1990s. The article discerns and analyzes various rhetorical strategies in terms of the patterns in their use among these elites. In contrast to the cognitive bias of much research in political communication, the article accounts for the embeddedness of these strategies in their public political, national-cultural and popular democratic contexts. It shows that the use of such strategies is a function of the socio-political context of actors’ statuses as parties or movements. The article recommends combining deliberative democracy with discourse analysis to comprehend the dynamics of public political language.

scholarly journals Fostering public accountability in South Africa: A reflection on challenges and successes

2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Pandelani H. Munzhedzi
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Public Service ◽  
Service Provision ◽  
Public Services ◽  
Public Accountability ◽  
The Public ◽  
Current State ◽  
Public Service Provision ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

Accountability and oversight are constitutional requirements in all the spheres of government in the Republic of South Africa and their foundation is in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa of 1996. All spheres of government are charged with the constitutional mandate of providing public services. The level of responsibility and public services provision also goes with the level of capacity of a particular sphere. However, most of the direct and visible services that the public receives are at the local sphere of government. As such, enormous resources are channelled towards this sphere of government so that the said public services could be provided. It is imperative that the three spheres of government account for the huge expenditures during the public service provision processes. The parliaments of national and provincial governments exercise oversight and accountability over their executives and administrations through the Public Accounts Committees, while the local sphere of government relies on the Municipal Public Accounts Committees. This article is theoretical in nature, and it seeks to explore the current state of public accountability in South Africa and to evaluate possible measures so as to enhance public accountability. The article argues that the current public accountability mechanisms are not efficient and effective. It is recommended that these mechanisms ought to be enhanced by inter alia capacitating the legislative bodies at national, provincial and local spheres of the government.

scholarly journals Nieważność i wygaśnięcie konkordatu polskiego z 1993 r.

2020 ◽  
pp. 43-62
Author(s):  
Paweł Borecki
Keyword(s):  
Catholic Church ◽  
Vienna Convention ◽  
International Agreement ◽  
Holy See ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
Legal Situation ◽  
Polish Society ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

From time to time, there is a proposal in the public debate in Poland to break the 1993 concordat, and this has also recently been the case. However, in the current systemic and political reality of contemporary Poland, the issue of the invalidity or expiry of the Polish concordat is one purely for theoretical (academic) discussion. It is worth analyzing this through the prism of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties of 1969 and the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 1997. The only hypothetical grounds for an annulment of the 1993 Concordat would be the allegation that it was concluded in violation of Art. 46 of the Vienna Convention, i.e. in breach of the rules of national law concerning the competence to conclude a treaty of fundamental importance. The Government of the Republic of Poland did not raise this objection within a reasonable time. There are also no circumstances that could constitute obvious reasons for considering the Polish concordat of 1993 as expired. One might try to defend the position that the concordat may be terminated unilaterally, despite the fact that it does not contain an appropriate clause in this regard. It can be compared to a friendship treaty. Such contracts are, by their very nature, subject to termination. It also seems that if need be, the Polish side might be able to terminate the concordat due to a fundamental change in circumstances, e.g. by referring to the rapidly progressing secularization process of Polish society. A very serious barrier to the termination of the concordat by the Polish side is the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 1997. In Art. 25 sec. 4 it provides for the obligation to define the relations between the state and the Catholic Church, especially in the form of an international agreement with the Holy See. The hypothetical termination of the 1993 concordat would require prior appropriate amendment of Poland’s constitution and the consent of a number of state bodies. In the current legal situation in Poland, the termination of the treaty with the Vatican is very difficult in procedural terms, and is politically unrealistic.

scholarly journals Election Security and Violence in Ghana: The Case of Ayawaso West Wougon and Talensi By-elections

2020 ◽  
pp. 32-46
Author(s):  
Frank Bitafir Ijon
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
National Security ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Vital Role ◽  
Analysis Method ◽  
Content Analysis Method ◽  
Security Challenges ◽  
The Government ◽  
Election Violence

Conducts of by-elections in recent times have been fraught with a lot of security challenges. This has been as a result of the violence that characterized the conduct of by-elections in recent times in Ghana. Violence during by-elections in Ghana plays a vital role in securing election victories for political parties. In all the by-elections characterized by violence in Ghana, they were won by parties that were accused of inciting the violence. The main tenets of election violence as identified by the paper included, actors, motives, timing, consequences, and patterns. The paper adopted the content analysis method in its investigation of the two violent by-elections in Ghana. The paper revealed that there was a correlation between violence during by-elections and victories of incumbent parties. This was because, in the two by-elections understudy, those accused of starting the violence and using national security operatives won the elections. The paper also found out that by-election violence impacted negatively on Ghana’s democratic maturity in several ways, such as; low voter turnout, weakening of democratic foundation and breeding an atmosphere of insecurity. Finally, the paper also revealed that political parties especially those in government resort to violence during by-elections in Ghana because they fear losing it will mean the government was underperforming as argued out by Feigert and Norris and also because they want to add to their tally in parliament.

scholarly journals Mendorong Semangat Inklusifisme dan Toleransi: Studi atas Buku Daras Pendidikan Agama Islam (PAI) dan Model Pembelajarannya di Universitas Brawijaya Malang

Refleksi ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-180
Author(s):  
Media Zainul Bahri
Keyword(s):  
Focus Group ◽  
Religious Education ◽  
Public University ◽  
Religious Development ◽  
Focus Group Discussions ◽  
Group Discussions ◽  
The Public ◽  
Islamic Schools ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Reading Textbooks

This article explores the insights of inclusivism and tolerance in Islamic religious education (PAI) textbooks in Brawijaya University (UB) Malang. This article is the result of research by reading textbooks, interviewing six PAI lecturers and focus group discussions (FGD) at UB Malang in December 2018. In general, there are many material aspects in the textbooks that encourage students to be open, respect for diversity and behave tolerant of different Islamic schools of thought. This is emphasized by the PAI lecturers since UB is a public university belong to the public and because in Islam itself there are many different understandings and schools of thought. The spirit of inclusivism, cosmopolitan and tolerance is seen explicitly in PAI UB’s textbooks and becomes the vision of PAI lecturers. If there is a deviation from the book tends to be a closed ideology, intolerant, and against the Republic of Indonesia, then it can be ascertained because of the “lecturer initiative” personally, and do not represent Lembaga Pusat Pembinaan Agama (the Central Institution of Religious Development).

scholarly journals RELIGIOUS EDUCATION AND THE PUBLIC SCHOOLS

1909 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 348-352
Author(s):  
Joseph Swain
Keyword(s):  
Public Schools ◽  
Religious Education ◽  
The Public

Political Parties and Intellectual Debates in Brazil from the Empire to the Republic

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Angela Alonso
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Social Institutions ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Republic

The Second Reign (1840–1889), the monarchic times under the rule of D. Pedro II, had two political parties. The Conservative Party was the cornerstone of the regime, defending political and social institutions, including slavery. The Liberal Party, the weaker player, adopted a reformist agenda, placing slavery in debate in 1864. Although the Liberal Party had the majority in the House, the Conservative Party achieved the government, in 1868, and dropped the slavery discussion apart from the parliamentary agenda. The Liberals protested in the public space against the coup d’état, and one of its factions joined political outsiders, which gave birth to a Republic Party in 1870. In 1871, the Conservative Party also split, when its moderate faction passed a Free Womb bill. In the 1880s, the Liberal and Conservative Parties attacked each other and fought their inner battles, mostly around the abolition of slavery. Meanwhile, the Republican Party grew, gathering the new generation of modernizing social groups without voices in the political institutions. This politically marginalized young men joined the public debate in the 1870s organizing a reformist movement. They fought the core of Empire tradition (a set of legitimizing ideas and political institutions) by appropriating two main foreign intellectual schemes. One was the French “scientific politics,” which helped them to built a diagnosis of Brazil as a “backward country in the March of Civilization,” a sentence repeated in many books and articles. The other was the Portuguese thesis of colonial decadence that helped the reformist movement to announce a coming crisis of the Brazilian colonial legacy—slavery, monarchy, latifundia. Reformism contested the status quo institutions, values, and practices, while conceiving a civilized future for the nation as based on secularization, free labor, and inclusive political institutions. However, it avoided theories of revolution. It was a modernizing, albeit not a democrat, movement. Reformism was an umbrella movement, under which two other movements, the Abolitionist and the Republican ones, lived mostly together. The unity split just after the shared issue of the abolition of slavery became law in 1888, following two decades of public mobilization. Then, most of the reformists joined the Republican Party. In 1888 and 1889, street mobilization was intense and the political system failed to respond. Monarchy neither solved the political representation claims, nor attended to the claims for modernization. Unsatisfied with abolition format, most of the abolitionists (the law excluded rights for former slaves) and pro-slavery politicians (there was no compensation) joined the Republican Party. Even politicians loyal to the monarchy divided around the dynastic succession. Hence, the civil–military coup that put an end to the Empire on November 15, 1889, did not come as a surprise. The Republican Party and most of the reformist movement members joined the army, and many of the Empire politician leaders endorsed the Republic without resistance. A new political–intellectual alignment then emerged. While the republicans preserved the frame “Empire = decadence/Republic = progress,” monarchists inverted it, presenting the Empire as an era of civilization and the Republic as the rule of barbarians. Monarchists lost the political battle; nevertheless, they won the symbolic war, their narrative dominated the historiography for decades, and it is still the most common view shared among Brazilians.

Public Subsidies for Private and Public Education: The Dutch Case

1986 ◽  
Author(s):  
Estelle James
Keyword(s):  
Public Schools ◽  
The Netherlands ◽  
Nonprofit Organizations ◽  
Educational System ◽  
Product Variety ◽  
Structural Features ◽  
Historical Background ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Subsidies ◽  
The Government

The possibility of “privatizing” education and other quasi-public services has been widely discussed in the United States today, and in other chapters of this volume. Policies such as a voucher or tax credit system, which would give public subsidies to private schools, are examples of privatization proposals. Many people feel that such policies would bring variety, choice, consumer responsiveness, and greater efficiency to our schools. Others fear that they would increase social segmentation, damage the public schools, and enable wealthy people to receive a better education for their children privately, but (partially) at the public expense. To expore these issues, this chapter examines the experience of the Netherlands, a country which, in effect, has had a voucher system in education for many years. In Holland, education and most health and social services are financed by the government but delivered by private nonprofit organizations, often religious in nature. As shall become evident below, the Dutch educational system avoids many of the possible pitfalls of privatization. This is due partially to particular mechanisms the Dutch have adopted to avoid these problems, which could conceivably be replicated here, and partially to broader structural features of the Dutch educational system and its role within society, which could not readily be replicated. The chapter proceeds as follows: The first section summarizes the historical background of the public-private division of responsibility for education in the Netherlands. The policy of privatization is seen as a response to diverse tastes about education, stemming from basic cultural (religious) differences, in a political setting where no one group was in a position to impose its preferred product variety on the others. This is consistent with a hypothesis I am testing in a multicountry study: that degree of reliance on private provision of quasi-public goods is positively related to cultural (particularly religious and linguistic) heterogeneity in democratic societies. It also is relevant to the discussions, found in several previous chapters, of why families choose private schooling.

scholarly journals KEWENANGAN BADAN PENGAWAS OBAT DAN MAKANAN TERHADAP PERDA PROVINSI BALI NO 5 TAHUN 2012 TENTANG PENGENDALIAN PEREDARAN MINUMAN BERALKOHOL

2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
I Putu Mahentoro
Keyword(s):  
Drug Administration ◽  
Food And Drug Administration ◽  
Alcoholic Beverage ◽  
Provincial Government ◽  
Alcoholic Beverages ◽  
Ministry Of Health ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Imported Foods

ABSTRACTThe research was conducted based on the same authority which is ownedby the two institutions, namely Food and Drug Administration of the Republic ofIndonesia and Bali Provicial Government in monitoring and controlling ofalcoholic beverages in Bali.The results of this study demonstrate the Food and Drug Administrationand the Provincial Government of Bali have the same authority to supervise andcontrol alcoholic beverages in Bali. Bali Local Government Regulation Number 5of 2012 on the Circulation of Alcoholic Beverage Control only requires each hasa label on alcoholic beverages issued by the Government of Bali has to bedistributed to the public, while the authority of the Food and Drug Administrationis regulated in the Regulation of Minister of Health of the Republic of IndonesiaNumber 382/MENKES/PER/VI/1989 on Registration of Food that requires allfood produced both by local producers and imported foods are required to beregistered to the Ministry of Health through the Food and Drug Administration.In the Regulation Number 5 Year 2012 did not include the authority of theFood and Drug Administration (the Empty Norms) so that the Food and DrugAdministration can not perform optimally the law enforcement againstmanufacturers, distributors and sellers of alcoholic beverages in violation. Tocope with the condition it should be a amendment in the Bali ProvincialRegulation Number 5 of 2012 by stating firmly and clearly the authority of theFood and Drug Administration related to the registration of food, which requiresthat for all foods and beverages that will be distributed to the public must beregistered to the Ministry of Health through the Food and Drug Administration.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document