scholarly journals The strategic relations of Pakistan and Russia in 21st Century

Author(s):  
Dr. Imran Khan ◽  
Dr. Karim Haider Syed

A systematic investigation of the steps that Russia has taken after 9/11 to improve strategic relations with Pakistan gives an idea of ​​why it is moving so carefully towards Pakistan. Now it has become important to see what kind of steps Russia has taken to further enhance strategic relations with Pakistan. In June, 2014 the Russian leadership began negotiations to provide Pakistan with state-of-the-art war helicopters to combat drug traffickers (Ullah, 2014, p.1). This development has taken as a surprise in the international community and certainly is not one that can be easily overlooked. The United States and Europe are looking disturbed and some experts have made suppositions that Russia is maneuvering the withdrawal of NATO forces by increasing instability in Afghanistan to increase its role in the aftermath of the withdrawal of NATO forces. In the new situation, Pakistan will have to be strengthened at the front of foreign policy so that it can better cope with the state of affairs that can emerge after the withdrawal of NATO forces. Some experts believe that Russia no longer wanted to make things one-sided and want to increase the role of other stakeholders of the region in the solution of Afghanistan. In the past Russia has paid extraordinary attention to India and ignored Pakistan. These experts believe that Russia now wanted to create a balance of power in the region through cooperation with Pakistan and is trying not to give too much to any one country in the world. Talks between Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan and Russian President Putin during the SCO summit in June 2019 were highlighted in the national media of Pakistan and Russia as well as in the international media (Pakistan eyes new horizons with Russia, 2019).  The history and nature of Pakistan-Russia relations have been very unique and interesting. Pakistan and Russia relations teach the lesson that elements like sentimentality, friendship, and enmity have no place in international relations. In the modern state system, these are the national interests, based on which the two states can come closer to each other and work together to achieve their goals by putting their difference of past behind the scene.

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (11) ◽  
pp. 163-173
Author(s):  
Yu. V. MOROZOV ◽  
◽  
A. R. NEUSTRROEVA ◽  

In modern conditions, Central Asia has begun to play an increasing role for non-regional actors, who are increasingly competing for a key role in this region. The first section of the article is devoted to the analysis of the significance of Central Asia and its problems. The second section analyzes American policy and strategy in the region. The third section examines China's interests and policies in Central Asia. The fourth section is devoted to the significance of the region for Russia's national interests. Conclusions concerning the role of Central Asia for the United States, China, and Russia are presented.


2011 ◽  
Vol 85 (2) ◽  
pp. 319-344 ◽  
Author(s):  
Véronique Pouillard

During the Great Depression, counterfeiters of the newest styles posed a challenge to the high-fashion designers who dominated Parisian design. Meanwhile, New York, traditionally the destination of the first corporate buyers of Paris couture, became a potential contender for the role of fashion capital. Scrutiny of French and American laws reveals that strong national interests were at stake in the fashion business. In France, the law safeguarded copyrights of fashion design while, in the United States, legislators denied such protection to American fashion.


Author(s):  
Leonid L. Fituni

The article exposes the regional context of geostrategic rivalry between the United States and China in Northeast Africa (NEA) against the backdrop of the emerging formation of a new bipolar world order and the messianic ambitions of the superpowers. The author predicts a significant increase in NEA’s geo-economic and strategic importance, due to the dominant vectors of global development and aspects of national interests of each of their superpowers. The article offers a detailed analysis of the evolution of NEA’s confessional space through the last 50 years and of the role of religious factors in the superpower rivalry in the region. The author arrives to the conclusion that the ruling, business and religious elites of the region have taken a wait-and-see attitude in the battle unfolding between the superpowers and do not want to unambiguously associate themselves with either side.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Śliwiński

The aim of the article is to theorise on the role of principles as important variables influencing European politics. Recent European-related events, including but not limited to the immigration crisis, international economic and political competition on a global scale (as well as relations with third parties such as Russia and the United States), prompt us to revise liberal intergovernmentalism as proposed by Andrew Moravcsik at the beginning of 90s last century. The study is based on the analysis of four cases: immigration crisis, posted workers directive, multiannual financial framework post-2020, and relations with Russia concerned energy security. The article puts forward an idea that principles, which European institutions and national governments refer to (such as the principle of solidarity or the principle of the rule of law) have been successfully instrumentalised by a range of actors (major governments, as well as European Commission acting on their behalf) to the greatest benefit of the most powerful governments in Europe


Author(s):  
Michelle Vicky Gunawan

<p>Maritime security is an issue that is considered important by the United States. The role of the United States in the maritime sector is driven by its national interest. This encourages the United States to work with countries that have strategic geopolitical conditions such as Indonesia. This thesis aims to discuss the interests of the United States in Indonesia's maritime security sector, the role of the United States in the Indonesian maritime security sector, and Indonesia's considerations in establishing cooperation with the United States. The purpose of this thesis is to provide a comparison of the role of the United States in the Indonesian maritime sector in the period of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono II and Joko Widodo I. Following the theory of neoclassical-realism and neo-realism International Relations is the product of states’ national interest and this includes Indonesian interest in cooperation. This research uses a qualitative approach and descriptive and comparative methods with data collection techniques through literature study and online search. The thesis finds an increase in the role of the United States in strengthening Indonesia's maritime security in 2009-2019 after the presence of the Global Maritime Fulcrum policy. This increase is accommodated by and is based on the pursuit of the national interests of each party.</p><p><strong>BAHASA INDONESIA ABSTRAK: </strong>Keamanan maritim merupakan salah satu isu yang dianggap penting oleh Amerika Serikat. Peranan Amerika Serikat dalam sektor maritim merupakan salah satu upaya pemenuhan kepentingan nasional negara. Hal tersebut mendorong Amerika Serikat menjalin kerja sama dengan negara yang memiliki kondisi geopolitik strategis seperti Indonesia. Penelitian ini membahas mengenai kepentingan Amerika Serikat dalam sektor keamanan maritim Indonesia, peran Amerika Serikat dalam sektor keamanan maritim Indonesia dan pertimbangan Indonesia untuk menjalin kerja sama dengan Amerika Serikat. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah memberikan perbandingan peran Amerika Serikat dalam sektor kemaritiman Indonesia di periode Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono II dan Joko Widodo I. Teori neoclassical-realism dan neo-realism menjelaskan bahwa Hubungan Internasional dapat terjadi karena dorongan kepentingan nasional. Sesuai dengan kenyataan, Indonesia juga memiliki kepentingan dalam kerja sama tersebut. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif serta metode deskriptif dan komparatif dengan teknik pengumpulan data melalui studi pustaka dan penelusuran daring. Terdapat tiga hasil analisis dalam penelitian ini yang merupakan jawaban dari rumusan masalah yang dibuat oleh penulis. Dari hasil penelitian, dapat disimpulkan adanya peningkatan peran Amerika Serikat dalam memperkuat keamanan maritim Indonesia tahun 2009-2019 setelah adanya kebijakan Global Maritime Fulcrum. Peningkatan ini diwadahi oleh dan dilandasi tujuan untuk memperjuangkan kepentingan nasional masing-masing pihak terkait.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aleeza Yermus

The purpose of this Masters Research Paper is to examine the role of women in the creative advertising industry. After extensive research into this area of study, it is evident that globally, women make up a very small percentage of the creative roles and executive positions within the advertising industry (Jean Grow & Tao Deng, 2014). Given this state of affairs, consciousness-raising movements like The 3% Conference, for example, (Jesse Thomas, 2012) have emerged in order to raise awareness of this problem and to promote change for women in the advertising industry in the United States and beyond. The literature review that informs the original research conducted in this MRP will analyze the historical trends of women in the creative departments of the global advertising industry in practice and in popular culture and some of the factors that may contribute to this gender disparity – the objective was to examine and gain an understanding of why this gender gap persists. The data was then collected from three different media sources: the television show Mad Men, the documentary film Art & Copy and an online movement called The 3% Conference. My findings were derived from a series of content analyses that enabled me to determine how the media and online professional organizations like The 3% Conference portray women in creative advertising in North America. Lastly, the literature review was compared to the results from the data, to determine whether the media offers a reliable depiction of women in the creative advertising industry.


POLITEA ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 85
Author(s):  
Palupi Anggraheni

<p class="07KatakunciKeywords">Arctic regions, on the northern pole of the earth, have attracted many countries with various interests. The United States, Russia and several Scandinavian countries, each have claims over its regions, which are known to have abundance natural resource. Besides its potential, Artic also become the most vulnerable area whom embrace the direct impact of global warming. Russia as a country with wide territorial borders directly to Arctic region, certainly has a big role in this region. But, Rusia’s relationship with several Western countries such as the US and Canada had not been in a good condition in 2015, since the Crimean crisis. Several psywar through mass media, even led Russian President Vladimir Putin decides to leave the G20 Annual Summit. Putin’s gesture somehow was seen as Russia implied response to the world related to the Crimea crisis which boldly stated that Russia was not afraid of the threat.  The instability of Russia's relations with its neighboring countries which incidentally also borders the Arctic region opens the role of other countries to participate in this region, including China. This articles focused on describing out the China Strategic Policy in the Arctic region by identifying its national interests, and what policies China has taken to achieve its goals. The concept of securitization developed by Barry Buzan and Ole Waever is used as an analytical tool to identify China's strategic role in the Arctic region          </p><p class="07KatakunciKeywords">Keywords: China, securitization, national interest , Artic Region</p>


2012 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 556-570
Author(s):  
Mustafa Abdalla A. Kashiem

While France, Britain, Qatar and the United States played crucial political and military roles in the alliance of countries backing Libya's ‘spring’ revolution from the beginning, Italy's early stance towards the Libyan revolution was somewhat hesitant and vague. Its initial reticence was due to national security considerations, Italy's calculation of its national interest and the complexity of contemporary international relations. However, as events unfolded, the Italian position became clearer and firmer, such that in time Italy played a leading role that helped the global efforts to rebuild the new contemporary democratic Libya post-Qadhafi. The focus of this study is on the Italian role during the course of the Libyan ‘spring’ revolution, known now as the revolution of 17 February 2011, after the agreed date of its inception. Notwithstanding Rome's initial hesitancy, Italy is considered among the leading actors that participated in the alliance galvanized to act under the terms of UN Security Council Resolutions 1970 and 1973. Here the contention is that Italy's full participation in the global alliance that carried out the UN mandates represented a process of transition in the Italian orientation from that of a soft power to that of a hard power as well. Thus, it is argued, when Italy's national security and interests are challenged in a global context, Italy is willing to use both soft and hard power. The findings of this study supported, by and large, the initial expectations concerning the important types of internal and external elements influencing the role of Italy in the Libyan crisis. Thus, Italy's position towards the Libyan revolution of 17 February 2011 may be attributed, among other factors, to its discernment of its national security and national interests in the context of competition in the Mediterranean region and the Middle East as well.


2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 182-197
Author(s):  
Caitlin Byrne

Summary Public diplomacy practice is intensifying across the Indo-Pacific as global actors compete to keep pace with the emerging geopolitical realities of a contested world order. China’s rise is the dominant feature. It comes as the United States retreats from global leadership, further heightening the sense of uncertainty in the region. Amid this strategic re-ordering, competition to influence narratives, set political agendas and frame the rules of a changing order is intense. The stakes for public diplomacy could not be higher and the implications for political leaders are significant. This article examines the role of Indo-Pacific political leaders through the lens of public diplomacy. While there are significant differences in approach, findings suggest that the imperative for political leaders to inform, engage and influence public audiences increasingly lies in the desire to shape the narrative and thus the nature of a regional order that will be favourable for their national interests.


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