The “Political Thought” of the “Monarchical Republic of Elizabeth I,” Discovered and Anatomized

2015 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 257-287 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Lake

AbstractThis paper uses two manuscript tracts to reconstruct the vision of the English polity underpinning Lord Burghley's interregnum proposals of 1584–85. These proposals famously prompted Patrick Collinson's work on “the monarchical republic of Elizabeth I,” which in turn became embroiled in subsequent attempts to recuperate distinctively “republican” strands of thought and feeling in sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century England. Written by two clients of central figures in the regime, the two texts are replies to a tract by John Leslie outlining Mary Stuart's claim to the English throne. This tract was republished in 1581 in Latin and then in 1584 in English as part of a Catholic propaganda offensive of the summer of 1584 to which, in turn, the Bond of Association and the interregnum scheme itself were responses. By comparing different versions of the two texts with one another and with Thomas Bilson's later printed tract,The true difference between Christian subjection and unchristian rebellion, something like the structuring assumptions, indeed the political thought, underlying the interregnum scheme can be recovered and analyzed and the republican nature of the monarchical republic assessed in detail for the first time.

Author(s):  
Todd Butler

This chapter explains how the political changes of early Stuart England can be usefully examined from a cognitive perspective, with questions of authority and sovereignty being determined not just by what individuals or institutions do but also by how they are understood and expected to think, and in particular how they were expected to come to decisions. In doing so, it links early modern and contemporary understandings of state formation in seventeenth-century England to processes of decision-making and counsel, as well as the management of personal and public opinion, thereby explicating the mental mechanics of early modern governance. More than being simply a form of political thought or doctrine, intellection is presented as a shared attention to cognitive processes amidst historical moments in which we can see particular patterns of thinking—and attention to them as politics—begin to emerge.


2020 ◽  
Vol 99 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-25
Author(s):  
Neil Murphy

In November 1523 a Scottish army, led by John Stewart, duke of Albany, invaded England for the first time since the battle of Flodden. While this was a major campaign, it has largely been ignored in the extensive literature on Anglo-Scottish warfare. Drawing on Scottish, French and English records, this article provides a systematic analysis of the campaign. Although the campaign of 1523 was ultimately unsuccessful, it is the most comprehensively documented Scottish offensive against England before the seventeenth century and the extensive records detailing the expedition advances broader understanding of military mobilisation in medieval and early modern Scotland. While the national mobilisation drive which sought to gather men from across the kingdom was ultimately unsuccessful, the expedition witnessed the most extensive number of French soldiers yet sent to Scotland. Finally, the article considers how an examination of the expedition enhances understanding of regency rule and the political conditions in Scotland in the years after Flodden.


Lex Russica ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 74 (2) ◽  
pp. 134-150
Author(s):  
I. V. Galkin

The paper is devoted to the problem of theoretical approaches to monarchical and republican forms of government that were reflected in the works of representatives of Western European political thought of the 17th century. The seventeenth century is the century that opens the period of Modern Times. It was a turning point not only in the history of Western European civilization, but also in the history of philosophical knowledge and "positive" sciences, including in such a specific field as political thought, which developed at the intersection of philosophy and science. The political theory of the period, was able to rise to the realization of the objective of the imperfection of existing political institutions and give its recommendations for addressing the identified deficiencies, as far as it was possible in terms of initial imperfections is given to us in sensations of the world. The political thought of the historical period under consideration showed a lively theoretical polemic between the supporters of the monarchical and republican forms of government. The revolutionary situation developed in some of the advanced European states during the alarming seventeenth century made it possible to understand the advantages or disadvantages of the existing forms of government. It seems quite natural that the formation of the theoretical views of specific political thinkers or jurists was formed under the influence of the dominant ideology (or competing ideologies) of that time. Moreover, it should be noted that the monarchist or republican views of specific authors are not always theoretically well-reasoned, but are often based on the subjective preferences of thinkers. Thus, this paper highlights a rather ambiguous problem of the features of monarchical and republican forms of government in the political thought of the 17th century.


2021 ◽  
Vol 64 (3) ◽  
pp. 81-90
Author(s):  
Ivan Matic

The subject of this paper will be the analysis of the question of religious toleration in the political thought of seventeenth century English philosopher John Locke. The first part of the paper will discuss the foundational principles of Locke?s political thought, particularly his contract theory. The second part will be dedicated to situating his positions on freedom of religion within the domain of that theory, accentuating the moment of separation between church and state. The final part will analyze the implications of religious toleration, as well as its limits, upon which Locke?s criterion of freedom of religion will be critically examined.


2019 ◽  
pp. 235-241
Author(s):  
Nina Yatsenko

The article deals with the semantic-functional analysis of socio-political lexicon of L.M. Kravchuk. The most relevant thematic groups of vocabulary are highlighted, his role as an upgrader of the Ukrainian political thought of the late XX century is stressed, which ensures the active formation and functioning of national political discourse. The purpose of the article is to analyze the political vocabulary of L.M. Kravchuk the first president of Ukraine during the period of independence. The material for analysis is selected from his speeches, interviews, press conferences, briefings (Leonid Kravchuk’s publication (There is such a state – Ukraine, published in Kyiv in 1992). The vocabulary analysis is conducted for the first time. In the political discourse of L.M. Kravchuk on the basis of structural and semantic analysis of the language of his journalism, we distinguish the following thematic groups: names of bodies of state power: names of political governmental forms, arrangements, currents; names of political parties, associations, meetings, social groups; names of political and historical processes; names of documents, laws, resolutions; names of ethnic communities; names of socio-economic processes, concepts, monetary units; names of direct policy subjects; names of diplomatic concepts; names of parties’ supporters; names of individual subjects of any activity; names of individual activities; the names of the moral and ideological sphere of public life. It is shown that semantic and evaluative lexemas’ dynamic is shown by their syntagmatic relations, including connectivity. Examples of extensions of linear text connections of a word in Kravchuk’s discourse are adjectives. Public Speeches of the First President of Ukraine L.M. Kravchuk convincingly reveals the individuality of his style, including the use of synonymous means. Journalism created by L.M. Kravchuk is rich in idiomatic phrasal phrases and terminological persistent phrases. Phraseological and terminological units under consideration perform an important intensification role, in particular, act as expressive markers of his political thought.


1982 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 525-540 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. P. Sommerville

English political thought in the early seventeenth century is often regarded in terms of the disagreements between the king and his parliaments, and of debates amongst lawyers on the nature and contents of the ancient constitution. But a large proportion of the political writings of early seventeenth-century English theorists was directed against the views of Catholic authors. Sir Robert Filmer devoted much of his Patriarcha to refuting the theories of those two great pillars of counter-reformation Catholicism, Bellarmine and Suarez. Suarez's Defensio fidei was burned at Paul's Cross on 21 November 1613. James I believed that by ‘setting up the People above their naturall King’ the political thinking of the Jesuits laid ‘ an excellent ground in Divinitie for all rebels and rebellious people’. One aim of this paper is to suggest that many of the most characteristic ideas on politics of English writers in the early seventeenth century can best be understood in the context of their polemical aim: the refutation of the seditious doctrines of the Papists. This is particularly true of patriarchalism, a subject on which Filmer was no innovator.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 27-36
Author(s):  
Syawaluddin Syawaluddin

This paper seeks to uncover the political thought and governmental concept of the Egyptian president, Muhammad Mursy, who was democratically elected for the first time, after the “Arab Spring”. Mursi is a members of the Muslim Brotherhood (IM) who was regarded as a forbidden party or an illegal mass organi- zation in Egypt before. This research based on literature research that seeks to collect the data related to the political thought and governmental concept of Muhammad Mursi as a members of the Muslim Brotherhood party, whether from the Internet or books that discuss about the phenomenon. This research found a num- ber of discoveries conducted by Mursi such as; the opening of a border gate in Gaza for Palestinians to enter Egypt, The vice-president’s from women and non-Muslims, restrict military gains in politics, and the others controversial decision.


1993 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-108
Author(s):  
Tony Judt

The last decade in France has seen an efflorescence of self-consciously liberal political thought. The reasons for this have been well-rehearsed elsewhere ; the discrediting of marxism, in practice and in theory ; the stabilisation and "pluralisation" of the political system ; rapid transformation of the economy and an accompanying interest in the American model. The latter enthusiasm has been echoed in the intellectual community by a new attention to works of political philosophy in the anglo-american tradition, many of which have recently been translated for the first time.


Virginia 1619 ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 193-214

The Virginia Company, this chapter argues, was not merely a commercial enterprise, a joint-stock corporation, created in order to attract and invest resources in the colony of Virginia. It was a conceived by its members as a political society in itself whose purpose was, in turn, to establish political society in Virginia, to some degree in its own image. It was conceived in terms of the language of the commonwealth—a society of self-governing virtuous citizens—and also in terms of the language of greatness, a company that, through its own pursuit of glory, would augment the power of the state in its rivalry with other European states. These political languages were largely consistent with the political thought employed in English society more generally in the seventeenth century. As a civil society that was separate from the national stage, however, the Company also afforded a space in which it was possible to experiment with political discourses that were regarded as dangerous in other contexts. Two such discourses were the interrelated traditions of democracy and reason of state, which came to the fore in the final years of the Company.


Author(s):  
Emily C. Nacol

This chapter briefly discusses three insights into early modern British engagement with risk: the presence of a distinct conceptual refinement in late seventeenth-century sources; the tight relationship between risk and trust in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century political thought and political economy; and the character of the political subject, which is worked out in the early modern engagement with risk. Beyond these three observations, the chapter also argues that early modern British engagement with risk offers two narratives—views of risk that persist in our own time and shape our orientation toward an unknown future. These include accounts of risk as a threat to security, as well as depictions of risk as an opportunity to be exploited for profit or gain.


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