scholarly journals ISU DASAR NEGARA INDONESIA MENJELANG PEMILU 1955: Studi Kasus Pidato Politik Soekarno Di Amuntai 27 Januari 1953

2011 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Iqbal
Keyword(s):  
Political Discourse ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Political Issue ◽  
National State ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
Political Communities ◽  
The Right ◽  
First Time ◽  
Secular State

"Islamic State versus National State" was a heated political issue throughout the 1950s that created highly tense and dividing debates among Indonesia's political communities. President Soekarno, a leading proponent of National State, raised this issue for the first time in his speech in Amuntai on January 27th, 1953. The present paper contends that this speech was crucial for the political discourse contestations that followed between the religiously-neutral Nasionalist camp and the Islamic camp. The former argued against the latter's idea of building an Islamic state in Indonesia and proposed instead, a secular state that guarantees the right of its citizens to observe their religious teachings. The value of Soekarno's speech could be seen from reactions it generated from the supporters of Islamic State who called it a smear campaign and a doctrine dangerous to their struggle to erect an Islamic state in Indonesia.

Righteousness or the right to drink? The debate on the ration book in Sweden and Finland during the 1950s

2001 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 359-370
Author(s):  
Matti Peltonen
Keyword(s):  
Control Policy ◽  
Alcohol Policy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Swedish Version ◽  
Alcohol Control ◽  
Political Left ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Right

Sweden and Finland reviewed their alcohol control policies in the 1950s at more or less the same time. Sweden abolished its ration book system and lifted restrictions on the sale of medium strength beer, Finland in turn revised its mechanisms for controlling the purchase of alcohol, a version of the Bratt system. In Sweden, alcohol consumption increased sharply and the number of drunkenness offences doubled. In Finland, by contrast, nothing happened. Why? History provides one possible source of explanation. The Swedish version of the Bratt system was much stricter (with monthly rations allocated on the basis of social class and sex) and therefore there was greater pressure towards a liberalisation of alcohol policy than was the case in Finland. During the war and in the post-war years Finland had a strong labour movement, which was keen to underline and demonstrate that the working class were in every respect decent and upright people. The debate that was touched off by the General Strike in 1956 is particularly interesting. On the political right, workers were frequently portrayed as heavy drinkers; the political left worked hard to fend off this propaganda attack. In this kind of atmosphere it was impossible to seriously call for a liberalisation of alcohol control policy in Finland.

scholarly journals The Manifestation of Gender Peculiarities in Political Discourse

2014 ◽  
Vol 10 (1-2 (12)) ◽  
pp. 88-95
Author(s):  
Ruzanna Arustamyan
Keyword(s):  
Political Communication ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Social Roles ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Male And Female ◽  
Female Politicians ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Biological Differences

The article is devoted to the description of gender peculiarities in political discourse. The differences of male and female speeches aim to determine the degree of effectiveness of the impact of gendered approaches in political communication on male and female audiences. We may observe obvious differences between male and female speeches. It is conditioned by biological differences and social roles and stereotypes fixed in the society. Sometimes female politicians tend to imitate male speech behavior in order to defend their positions and the right to participate in the political life of their country.

scholarly journals On Disabilities

1970 ◽  
pp. 2
Author(s):  
Nawaf Kabbara
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary Election ◽  
People With Disability ◽  
History Of ◽  
Right To Vote ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Right ◽  
First Time ◽  
Disability Movement ◽  
Political Scene

The Lebanese parliamentary election was a very decisive moment in the country’s history. As a result of this election, a new parliamentary majority and discourse dominated the political scene. The election was also peculiar concerning the disability cause in Lebanon. For the first time in the history of Lebanon’s elections, disability became an issue. In fact, the Lebanese disability movement succeeded in launching two different but complementary campaigns during the election. The first one was engineered by both the Lebanese Physical Handicapped Union and the Youth Blind Association. Under the title “Haqqi” or “My Right,” the campaign focused on the right of people with disability to practice one of their most important rights: the political right to vote.

scholarly journals The ‘new’ League success in the red belt and its post-fascist inheritance: evidence from 2018 National Elections

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Moreno Mancosu ◽  
Riccardo Ladini
Keyword(s):  
Unemployment Rate ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
National Elections ◽  
Electoral Outcomes ◽  
Lega Nord ◽  
First Republic ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Relationship

In 2018 national elections, the Lega, an Italian xenophobic right-wing party, has dramatically increased its consensus in the ‘red belt’, the central part of the country traditionally ruled by center-left parties. Pundits have argued that this performance can be attributed to the effect of the new leadership of Matteo Salvini, who shifted the ideological location of the party (that now aims at being a national right-wing party), combined with the drop in preferences of Forza Italia, the ally/competitor in the right-wing ideological spectrum. This paper aims at providing new insights in the explanation of these electoral outcomes, by hypothesizing that geographical trajectories of diffusion of the party are correlated with the presence of geographically clustered post-fascist minorities present in the region since the First Republic age. By employing official figures at the municipality level, the paper analyses the relationship between the percentages of votes for the MSI (the most relevant post-fascist force during the First Republic) in 1976 and the Lega Nord in the 2006-2018 period. Consistent with our hypothesis, the post-fascist inheritance is significantly correlated with the local prevalence for the Lega Nord in 2018, after the change in the political discourse and leadership of the party. Empirical analyses provide evidence of our expectations, even when controlling for unemployment rate and percentage of immigrants.

The Seriousness of Play: Johan Huizinga and Carl Schmitt on Play and the Political

2020 ◽  
pp. 155541202097561
Author(s):  
Alexander Lambrow
Keyword(s):  
Political Discourse ◽  
Carl Schmitt ◽  
Nazi Germany ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Seminal Work ◽  
Political Dimensions ◽  
Johan Huizinga ◽  
The Right

This article addresses the political dimensions of Johan Huizinga’s seminal work Homo Ludens: A study of the play element in culture (1938). More than just a foundational text in academic ludology, this text positioned itself as a polemic against the right-wing political discourse going on in contemporaneous Nazi Germany, represented chiefly by Carl Schmitt. Through his concept of play, Huizinga hoped to resolve what he perceived to be the confusion of play and seriousness among a group of reactionary theorists narrowly focused on the Schmittian Ernstfall, the “serious case” of inimical violence. This article analyzes the usage of the concepts of “play” and “seriousness” in Huizinga’s and Schmitt’s respective corpuses and, finally, places their work in dialogue in order to understand the difficulties involved in defining play as unserious and unpolitical.

THE PROBLEM OF REPRESENTATION OF TURKISH WOMEN IN POLITICS (1980S TO THE PRESENT)

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (15) ◽  
pp. 372-387
Author(s):  
Zeynep Tuğçe ÖZTÜRK ◽  
Nurgün KOÇ
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Women's Movements ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Women In Politics ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Turkish Women ◽  
The Right ◽  
First Time

In Turkish modernization, important steps were taken under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk so that women could reach the level of contemporary civilized peoples. For this purpose, women who have lagged behind the society in education, training and social life, especially gender equality, have been granted political rights before some European countries. Turkish women, who obtained the right to vote and be elected in 1934, were included in the political life, and they went to the polls for the first time in the elections held in 1935. For many years, the place of women in political life has decreased due to many reasons such as the fact that political parties do not allow quotas for female deputies, democracy cannot be fully ensured within political parties, sexism, politics are seen as men’s work, women’s education problem, while the women’s movements have increased in the period from the 1980s to the present. Its power has increased due to reasons such as quota implementation based on changes in electoral systems. Although the number of women in politics has not reached a sufficient level even today, as the sexist approach in society and the obstacles placed in front of women are overcome, the effectiveness and success of Turkish women in political life will increase. Although it is difficult for women to take part in the male-dominated structure in politics, it is seen that women are not willing enough and they struggle less. It is possible to say that women have made important strides in the political arena in the Turkish society led by a female prime minister, Professor Tansu Çiller.

Political Lexicon in L.M. Kravchuk’s Language and Thought

2019 ◽  
pp. 235-241
Author(s):  
Nina Yatsenko
Keyword(s):  
Political Thought ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Semantic Analysis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ethnic Communities ◽  
Language And Thought ◽  
Historical Processes ◽  
First Time ◽  
Linear Text ◽  
Political Vocabulary

The article deals with the semantic-functional analysis of socio-political lexicon of L.M. Kravchuk. The most relevant thematic groups of vocabulary are highlighted, his role as an upgrader of the Ukrainian political thought of the late XX century is stressed, which ensures the active formation and functioning of national political discourse. The purpose of the article is to analyze the political vocabulary of L.M. Kravchuk the first president of Ukraine during the period of independence. The material for analysis is selected from his speeches, interviews, press conferences, briefings (Leonid Kravchuk’s publication (There is such a state – Ukraine, published in Kyiv in 1992). The vocabulary analysis is conducted for the first time. In the political discourse of L.M. Kravchuk on the basis of structural and semantic analysis of the language of his journalism, we distinguish the following thematic groups: names of bodies of state power: names of political governmental forms, arrangements, currents; names of political parties, associations, meetings, social groups; names of political and historical processes; names of documents, laws, resolutions; names of ethnic communities; names of socio-economic processes, concepts, monetary units; names of direct policy subjects; names of diplomatic concepts; names of parties’ supporters; names of individual subjects of any activity; names of individual activities; the names of the moral and ideological sphere of public life. It is shown that semantic and evaluative lexemas’ dynamic is shown by their syntagmatic relations, including connectivity. Examples of extensions of linear text connections of a word in Kravchuk’s discourse are adjectives. Public Speeches of the First President of Ukraine L.M. Kravchuk convincingly reveals the individuality of his style, including the use of synonymous means. Journalism created by L.M. Kravchuk is rich in idiomatic phrasal phrases and terminological persistent phrases. Phraseological and terminological units under consideration perform an important intensification role, in particular, act as expressive markers of his political thought.

The Case of a Christian Governor in Jakarta as a Sign of Times for Catholics (and Christians) in Indonesia

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-142 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andang L Binawan
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Islamic Movement ◽  
Political Independence ◽  
Muslim Majority ◽  
The Right ◽  
Gubernatorial Election ◽  
Near Future

Blasphemy charges against Ahok (BasukiTjahajaPurnama), as he contested Jakarta’s gubernatorial election, turned into a test of how successful Islamic hardliners can be in exercising influence on the moderate Muslim majority. Ahok was the first Chinese Christian governor of Jakarta in the contemporary times enjoying immense popularity. His political rivals, who are a group of extreme Muslims, exploited religious sentiment to win the election. This governor election, then, seemingly became a battle between the moderate majority, who mostly support Ahok, and the hardliners, who are clearly outnumbered. This case points to the emergence of an iceberg appearing from the Islamic movement, some seventy years after the political independence of Indonesia. Though it does not indicate whether Indonesia will in the near future become an Islamic state, it is clear that the pendulum is swinging from the middle to the right. Responding to this recent development, minorities, especially Christians including Catholics, should redefine their place in Indonesia.

Feminism in Turkey: A Short History

1989 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 1-34 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nükhet Sirman
Keyword(s):  
Political Discourse ◽  
Third World ◽  
The Political ◽  
Short History ◽  
New Form ◽  
First Time ◽  
Turkish Society

In May 1987, about 3000 women marched through the streets of Istanbul to protest against the battering of women in the home. This was not the first time that women in Turkey had taken to the streets, but it certainly was the first time that they had voiced demands specific to their conditions of existence as women in Turkish society. As stated by one of the speakers at the rally marking the end of the march, women were not marching for their nation, their class, nor for their husbands, brothers and sons, but for themselves. I take this march and events following it to signal a new form in which the position of women in Turkish society is being articulated within the political terrain of Turkey. This new visibility of women in Turkish political discourse has many links to strands of thought that can be broadly called ‘feminist’ and as such provides a fruitful arena for the investigation of the forms this ideological current takes in Third World countries.

Irregular migrants, neoliberal geographies and spatial frontiers of ‘the political’

2007 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 655-674 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANNE McNEVIN
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Multidimensional Approach ◽  
Irregular Migration ◽  
Irregular Migrants ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
The Us ◽  
Migration Flows ◽  
Political Communities ◽  
The Right ◽  
Economic Zones

AbstractIn this article I argue that the demands of irregular migrants to belong to political communities constitute key contemporary sites of ‘the political’. I also argue that geographies associated with neoliberal globalisation (transnational production circuits, special economic zones and global cities) are implicated in irregular migration flows and in new conceptions of political belonging. In relation to these claims, I reflect upon recent mobilisations in the US context, in which hundreds of thousands of irregular migrants and their supporters asserted the right to belong. I suggest that similar claims to belong are likely to proliferate and that neoliberal geographies may provide some clues as to where and how these contemporary frontiers of the political might proceed. I conclude by suggesting that a multidimensional approach to political belonging provides a sound conceptual starting point for the analytical and normative challenges raised by both the claims of non-status migrants and the sovereign practices of contemporary states.

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