scholarly journals Fordítva: Nyugati társadalomfilozófiai koncepciók és terminusok „japanizációja” a korai Meiji érában

2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (2017/2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ferenc Takó

Today there is a rather broad agreement on the field of Japanese studies regarding the fact that the main political, economic, social and cultural changesthat characterise the Meiji 明治 era have their roots in the Tokugawa 徳川period. This does not mean that changes following kaikoku 開国, the 218 Abstracts“opening of the country”, would have been consciously prepared during theshogunal reign. It means rather that those who reshaped the ideal and materialframework of Meiji period changes, had never torn themselves away fromTokugawa traditions as much as it would seem at first sight, and as much asmany of them suggested they had. In this study I examine the duality of(seemingly) radical novelty and strong attachment to traditions in the age ofbunmei kaika 文明開化 (“civilisation and enlightenment”) as reflected inthe translations of Western social philosophical works and in related theoretical writings of the central figures of the period.

2021 ◽  
pp. 136843102098689
Author(s):  
Pedro A. Teixeira

In keeping with the radical openness of his theory of democracy, Habermas avoided pre-determining the ideal mode of economic organization for his favoured model of deliberative democracy. Instead of attempting a full-blown derivation, in this article, I propose adapting the Rawlsian method of comparing different political–economic regimes as candidate applications of his theory of justice to Habermas’s theory of deliberative democracy. Although both theorists are seen as endorsing liberal democratic world views, from the perspective of political economy, the corollary of their conceptions of democracy would arguably veer elsewhere: in Rawls’s case, into the territory of property-owning democracy or democratic socialism, and in Habermas’s, into any political–economic regime which guarantees the real exercise of full political and discursive liberties against the background of legitimate lawmaking. The ultimate aim of this article is to discuss whether a concrete conception of democratic socialism, if any, is compatible with Habermas’s theory of deliberative democracy.


Author(s):  
Anthony M. Nadler

This chapter analyzes how the ideal of professional autonomy came to prominence in U.S. journalism and why it came up against enormous pressures by the late 1960s and 1970s. Many perceptive journalism scholars have sought to explain the origins of journalistic professionalism and the idealization of objectivity. The chapter offers a synthesis of this scholarship, paying close attention to the kinds of evidence scholars have used to show different factors—cultural, political, economic, and institutional—as prompting the adoption of the objectivity ideal and the related commitment to journalistic professionalism. Sifting through this scholarship suggests that journalistic professionalism served as a strategic response on the part of media owners to new social conditions taking shape largely during the first half of the twentieth century.


2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 151-173
Author(s):  
Chikako Shigemori Bučar

As a part of the research activities “East Asian Collections in Slovenia”, many old Japanese postcards have been identified in recent years. For the postcards archived in the National and University Library (NUK) in Ljubljana, no information was available in relation to their user or collector, when and from whom these postcards were acquired, etc. Out of 16 Japanese and Chinese postcards in the Library, seven have been actually used and sent with some messages from Japan or China to today’s Slovenia in the year 1899. During the research on other picture-postcards archived in today’s Slovenia, and in cooperation with specialists in Japanese Studies and the history of the modern era (end of the 19th and beginning of 20th centuries, the Meiji period in Japan) in the context of East Asian and Austro-Hungarian exchanges, it has gradually become clear who the user of the postcards was and in what setting. It was Jožef Obereigner, the second son of the caretaker of the Snežnik estate, who was an engineer and served in the Austro-Hungarian Navy.


2020 ◽  
pp. 239965442097094
Author(s):  
Alex Farrington

Whenever scholars inquire into the relationship between space and power, you can almost invariably find a reference to Henri Lefebvre. However, his initial popularization by David Harvey involved an overemphasis on the political-economic dimensions of his work. This article revisits The Production of Space to show that Lefebvre considered rhythmanalysis – and not a political economy of space – as the ideal method for transforming space and everyday life. Lefebvre argues that a more embodied and intimate knowledge of spatial rhythms can inform the appropriation of space by its everyday inhabitants, in opposition to capital and state power. To demonstrate the radical political potential of rhythmanalysis, I follow my reading of The Production of Space with an examination of “The Siege of the Third Precinct in Minneapolis,” a rhythmanalytic account of the recent Minneapolis uprising. This account, which was circulated online to share tactical insights with other protesters, evokes a number of new avenues for rhythmanalytic research.


2013 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samantha Iyer

AbstractThis article traces the shift in demographic thought from the Malthusian framework that predominated in English-language political economic writings of the nineteenth century to demographic transition theory, which prevailed by the mid-twentieth century. An analysis of demographic theory offers particular insights onto the intellectual history of development because the question of population served as the point of departure for various development theories. While the scholarly literature on U.S. development ideas and projects has grown increasingly rich and sophisticated in recent decades, it remains wedded to the notion that there was a stark rupture between American development theory and the conditions in and relationships to the underdeveloped world that it sought to describe. This belief threatens to trivialize the significance of violent economic, environmental, and political circumstances that made development a useful lens of interpretation. Focusing especially on ideas about India, this article examines how, in an era of economic crises, intellectual and political exchange between British colonial, Indian nationalist, and American thinkers concerning the problems of disease, famine, and immigration enabled a transformation in demographic thinking. The concept of development did not simply diffuse from the West to the Rest. Global conflict and dialogue—both between and within empires—enabled its emergence such that, by the early 1950s, peoples in various parts of the world had already taken the ideal of development for granted.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 87-99
Author(s):  
Ngudi Astuti

The concept of civil society refers to the ideal model of community life in Medina the Prophet Muhammad, which is based on a constitution that called the Charter of Medina. Madani Society is islamization of civil society. Strategies to build madani society in Indonesia can be done with the national integration and political, democratic political system reform, education and political awareness. The role of Muslims in the realization of madani society are as agents of change against the emergence and growth of the intellectuals among the middle class to create the order of social life in a democratic political-economic system is fair.


Author(s):  
Wenda Hartanto

<p>Manusia seperti entitas lainnya, juga bereksistensi. Namun, eksistensi manusia berbeda karena memiliki kesadaran. Sedangkan hukum memiliki tujuan yang mulia yaitu untuk membentuk masyarakat berada dalam tatanan hukum dan berperan sebagai sarana rekayasa sosial demi kemajuan. Namun kesadaran hukum sebagai suatu entitas yang tunggal dibenturkan pada masyarakat plural dengan pandangan-pandangan yang majemuk. Suatu kumpulan individu yang majemuk juga memunculkan kaidah hukum jika disepakati dapat dianggap memiliki aspek moralitas dan kesadaran hukum oleh suatu golongan, tetapi tidak demikian oleh golongan yang lain. Dalam keadaan yang semacam itu, menjadi sangat penting untuk mengetahui bagaimana terjadinya proses relasi antara kesadaran hukum dan politik hukum dalam proses legislasi, serta bagaimana konsep ideal untuk mengakomodir kesadaran hukum masyarakat dalam proses legislasi. Dengan menggunakan metode penelitian hukum normatif bisa dilihat bahwa proses legislasi merupakan aktualisasi politik hukum yang berdasarkan kesadaran hukum masyarakat untuk mencapai tujuan dan melindungi kebutuhan dan kepentingan masyarakat. Indonesia sebagai negara bangsa yang majemuk memerlukan suatu sistem hukum modern yang mampu mengantisipasi serta mengatasi berbagai permasalahan yang mungkin akan timbul. Nilai-nilai Pancasila hadir untuk mengakomodir dimensi kepentingan politik, ekonomi, sosial dan politik manusia sebagai subjek didalam bernegara.</p><p>Humans like other entities, also exist. However, human existence is different because it has consciousness. While the law has a noble purpose which is to establish a community within the legal system and to serve as tools of social engineering for progression. However, legal awareness as a single entity collides with a plural society with diverse views. A group of diverse individuals make some law ,which is agreed by some group, can be considered to have morality aspects and legal awareness by that groups, but not by the other groups. In such circumstances, it becomes very important to understand the process of the relationship between legal awareness and legal policy in the legislation process, and what the ideal concept to accommodate the public legal awareness in the legislation process. By using the normative legal research method, it can be seen that the legislation process is an actualization of legal policy which is based on public legal awareness which aims to protect public needs and interests. Indonesia as a plural nation state require a modern legal system which is able to anticipate and overcome every problems that may arise. Pancasila Values exists here to accommodate the dimensions of political, economic, and social interests of human being as the subject of state.</p>


2021 ◽  
Vol 42 (5) ◽  
pp. 24-36
Author(s):  
V. Pishchik ◽  

The aim of the work is to identify differences in the degree of narcissism and the level of anxiety in a group of Russian and Azerbaijani students with different assessments of autostereotypes of behavior. Narcissism of youth is considered non-clinical, as a psychological component of youth culture, a manifestation in response to cultural, political, economic transformations in modern society. The method of assessing narcissism, the scale of anxiety manifestations, the method of determining stereotypes of normative attitudes of social behavior were used. The sample consisted of 340 representatives of Russian and 234 ‒ Azerbaijani nationality aged from 19 to 25 years (M=21.1; SD=7.93). Shifts were revealed (from 2017 to 2019) in the direction of increasing data among Russian students by sub-scales: "Derealization/Depersonalization”;" Social isolation”; "Grandiose Self”;" Striving for an ideal Self-object”; “Narcissistic benefit from illness”. In the group of Azerbaijanis, there were increases in the subscales: "The ideal of self-sufficiency” Conclusions: the difference of shifts with the tendency to increase narcissism in the group of Russian students was found. Narcissism and anxiety are more pronounced in the group of Russian students. The autostereotypes of the behavior of Russian students are in the zone of indidvidualism. A group of Azerbaijani students is influenced by the national culture, which restrains the manifestations of narcissism and anxiety. The autostereotypes of Azerbaijani behavior are in the zone of collectivism: activity, patriotism, respect for elders.


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