Taming settler colonialism: the statue of Lieutenant Harry Colebourn and Winnie-the-Bear

1970 ◽  
Vol 32 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 65-92
Author(s):  
Tracy Whalen

This article argues that a popular Winnie-the-Bear statue operates within the framework of family to ‘tame’ the anxieties around settler colonialism. The ostensibly benign motives for taming that the statue condones align with and consolidate those offered in dominant discourses around bear capture, taming, and captivity in Canadian spaces of human/bear encounter. In keeping with such a project, the statue works to calm any discomfort visitors might feel about actual bear docility and captivity, particularly as these apply to the polar bears in the park’s adjacent zoo and the tranquilised black bears that are occasionally spotted in residential areas. By extension, the statue opens up questions of taming and subservience in the authority structures that undergird the creation and maintenance of the Canadian nation state where docile, disempowered bodies have constituted and continue to constitute the desirable colonised subject in a settler-colonial society.

2007 ◽  
Vol 66 (3) ◽  
pp. 199-227
Author(s):  
Lode Wils

In dit eerste deel van zijn uiteenzetting poneert Lode Wils de door zijn bronnen onderbouwde stelling dat het ontstaan van de Belgische (natie)staat de feitelijke slotfase was van een passage van de protonatie(s) in de Zuidelijke Nederlanden doorheen de grote politiek-maatschappelijke en culturele mutaties na de Franse Revolutie. Een passage die tijdens de late twintiger jaren van de negentiende eeuw bovendien sterk gekruid werd door het Belgisch 'wij'-denken dat meer en meer het cement ging vormen in de parlementaire en buitenparlementaire contestatie tegen het Hollandse regime.Wils verbindt in zijn uiteenzetting zijn eigen onderzoek omtrent de "cruciale parlementaire debatten in de jaren 1827-1830" aan zijn lectuur van de wetenschappelijke literatuur die zowel in het Noorden als in het Zuiden werd gewijd aan die problematiek, in bijzonderheid de doctoraalstudie L’invention de la Belgique. Genèse d’un Etat-Nation. 1648-1830 van de UCL-historiograaf Sébastien Dubois. Betekenisvol is overigens de frase van Wils waarin hij stelt dat Dubois zich "na het doorworstelen van bijna 2000 archiefbundels, ergert aan de voorstelling alsof niet het koninkrijk, maar 'België' geschapen werd in 1830."________1830: from the Belgian pre-nation to the nation state [part I]In this first part of his discourse Lode Wils puts forward the thesis corroborated by his sources that the creation of the Belgian (nation)state was in fact the final phase of a transition from the pre-nation(s) of the Southern Netherlands through the major socio-political and cultural mutations after the French Revolution. During the late nineteen twenties this transition was particularly marked by the Belgian “we-thinking” that gradually came to be the binding factor in the parliamentary and extra-parliamentary protest against the Dutch regime.  In his argument Wils connects his own research into the “crucial parliamentary debates during the period of 1827-1830” to his reading of the scientific literature, which was dedicated to that issue both in the North and in the South, in particular to the doctoral dissertation by the UCL historiographer Sébastien Dubois L’invention de la Belgique. Genèse d’un Etat-Nation. 1648-1830  (The invention of Belgium. Genesis of a Nation State: 1648-1830). We note in particular Will’s remark that Dubois “after having waded through almost 2000 archival volumes is irritated by the conception that 1830 saw the creation not of the kingdom but of ‘Belgium’.”


1995 ◽  
Vol 34 (4II) ◽  
pp. 619-626 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Titus

Because of its potential to disrupt economic development, it is necessary to understand the dynamics of ethnic conflict in the contemporary world. A prevalent trend in the study of ethnicity is to focus on the creation and/or maintenance of ethnic identities and mobilisation on the basis of those identities as groups compete for resources, opportunities, or political power in the context of the nation-state [Barth (1969); Brass (1985); Comaroff (1987); Mumtaz (1990)]. In this approach, an ethnic group's distinguishing markers-language, custom, dress, etc.-are treated less as manifestations of tradition which define or create the group and more as arenas of negotiation and contestation in which people strive to realise their practical and symbolic interests. This happens as individuals or families, pursuing their livelihoods with the skills and resources available to them, find (or create) opportunities or obstacles which appear to be based on' ethnic criteria. The state can intensify this process as it uses positive or negative discrimination in order to achieve some desired distribution of wealth and opportunity. In turn, political leadership becomes a key in realising the experience of shared ethnic interests. Leadership develops as a kind of dual legitimation process, i.e., as individuals or organisations seek to be accepted as spokesmen both by members of the group itself and by outsiders.


2021 ◽  
pp. 000842982110416
Author(s):  
Jennifer A Selby

Aaron W. Hughes’s monograph, From Seminary to University: An Institutional History of the Study of Religion in Canada, argues that, unlike other disciplines in the humanities and social sciences, the study of religion in Canada is imbricated with nation-state politics. The creation of Canada’s initial seminaries post-Confederation served to establish Christianity as normative. By the 1960s, these seminaries were largely replaced with departments that aimed to promote national values of multiculturalism and diversity. In her critique, Selby commends the book’s convincing argument and impressive historical archival work, and critiques the book’s limited engagement with the politics of settler colonialism and scholarly contributions in the province of Québec.


Author(s):  
Honaida Ghanim

The colonial framework introduced a central perspective into Palestinian studies in the context of addressing Zionism, Zionist relations with the Palestinian entity, and the creation of the question of Palestine. This chapter explores the rise and shifts of the Palestinian question from the Balfour Declaration to the “deal of the century.” Informed by a sociohistorical approach, the chapter goes through historical shifts and analyzes the Palestine question within relations of interplay and entanglement with the Zionist project and, later, with the state of Israel. It focuses on the sociological dimensions of the Palestine question at the intersection of settler colonialism, theology, and state-making, on the one hand, and indigenous resistance, national struggle, and pragmatism, on the other.


Author(s):  
Fiona de Londras

Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 16 commits the international community to promoting ‘just, peaceful and inclusive societies’ with a clear focus on security. Central to the goal, is the creation of ‘strong’ national institutions. Rather than taking this to licence the creation of repressive institutions, this chapter argues that SDG 16 invites a radical re-imagining of dominant discourses on security. This would see interpersonal insecurity as a core concern that must be addressed together with geopolitical insecurity, and recognize that strong institutions are those that are robust, well-resourced, responsive, and well-governed. In the absence of a shift towards sustainability in our pursuit of security, the transformative potential of Sustainable Development Goal 16 will be difficult to realize; indeed, the goal may instead be used to legitimate oppressive, repressive, and often fundamentally undemocratic measures and institutions said to be needed to prevent violence and combat terrorism and crime.


Author(s):  
Vanessa Mak

This chapter makes an analysis of the theoretical foundations of lawmaking in European private law. It shows that they can be traced to transnational and constitutional pluralist theories. The main question is in which respects legal pluralism should replace the monist, state-centred perspective on lawmaking that prevailed in Western Europe since the creation of the Westphalian nation state. It is argued that, even though the state remains the primary locus for lawmaking in private law in the EU, the rise of private regulation and the interaction between courts through judicial dialogues plead in favour of adopting a strong legal pluralist perspective. ‘Strong’ or ‘radical’ legal pluralism, other than monism or ‘ordered’ legal pluralism, holds that norms can co-exist without a formal hierarchy. Both a descriptive and a normative case are put forward in support of adopting this perspective.


2015 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-161 ◽  
Author(s):  
Josef Hamr ◽  
Jesse N. Popp ◽  
Dorthy L. Brown ◽  
Frank F. Mallory

Problem bear behaviour in residential areas often results in human anxiety and potential injury, bear mortality and demographic instability. Identifying and understanding factors related to problem bear activity and encounters is important for developing successful management strategies. Indices of natural bear forage availability and hunting pressure were related to problem bear activity in central Ontario. Data were collected 5 years before and 5 years after the cancellation of a spring bear hunt, providing a unique opportunity to study the effect of management policy on problem behaviour. Problem bear activity indices increased significantly following the closure of the spring hunt. Natural food availability from the previous year was found to be highly correlated with early season problem bear activity indices; however, natural food availability during the same year was not significantly related to early or late season problem activity rates. This demonstrates that multiple potential causal agents of problem bear behaviour need to be considered when developing management strategies.


2021 ◽  
pp. 009059172110091
Author(s):  
Begüm Adalet

Political theorists are increasingly drawn to the recovery of anticolonial thinkers as global figures. Frantz Fanon is largely excluded from these discussions because of his presumed commitment to the nation-state and its territorialist assumptions. This essay claims, by contrast, that Fanon’s writings reveal an alternative way of thinking about worldmaking, less as a question of political and economic institution-building spearheaded by leaders than as a multiscalar project that permeates the production of the built environment and the creation of selves. I show how Fanon challenges the dichotomy between the global and the national by seeking to transform not just the national scale in relation to the international, but also the corporeal, urban, rural, and regional scales of an imperially configured world. In order to read Fanon as a scalar thinker and to highlight aspects of his thought that have been relatively neglected, I draw on concepts from geography, and specifically scalar analysis, which, I demonstrate, allows political theorists to develop a richer understanding of the operations of power in colonial contexts and how they can be restructured to inaugurate more liberated ways of being human.


1994 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 131-147 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Crystal

The capacity to transfer wealth abroad had long served wealth-holders as a potent restraint on state encroachment. The creation of movable wealth, Montesqueau wrote in the eighteenth century, meant that ‘rulers have been compelled to govern with greater wisdom than they themselves might have intended’. In the years since then, new technology and increasing interdependence have greatly magnified this capability; one recent book argues that the increased mobility of capital and growing integration of economies means that all governments ‘have lost the vestiges of unchecked economic sovereignty’ and that they ‘must concede to the implied threats of quicksilver capital’ When enormous quantities of wealth travel across the world with a single tap of a computer key, a country risks paying heavy costs if it adopts the wrong policies. So if the nation-state is not yet dead, it appears to be severely weakened in its ability to pursue measures at odds with the wishes of mobile-asset holders


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document