THE SOULS OF EUROPE

2009 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 126-139
Author(s):  
Govert J. Buijs

How should Europe deal politically with its legacy as a so‐called “Christian civilization"? Should this imply an overt reference to God or to the Christian or Judeo‐Christian tradition in European constitutional documents (as was debated when the so‐called “Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe” was tabled)? This debate raised the old “politico‐theological problem”: does a political order need some kind of metaphysical or religious grounding, a “soul”, or can it present itself as a purely rational order, the result of a utilitarian calculus? In this article it is argued that the secular idea of the state as an inherent element in the “Judeo‐Christian tradition”, for a “divine state” usurps a place that is only God's. So, this religious tradition itself calls for a secular state, and this inherent relationship between religion and secularity has become a key element for the interpretation of European civilization, most notably in the idea of a separation of the church and the state. But the very fact that this is a religious idea does imply that the European political order cannot be seen as a purely rational political order without a soul. The idea of a “plural soul” is proposed as a way out of the dilemma.

1981 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 540-559 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claude Pomerleau

Since the nineteenth century, Mexican history has encompassed many social conflicts that range from local rebellions to full-scale revolutions. Church-state relations have been closely related to, and affected by, these conflicts. The struggle between church and state led to the War of the Reform (1858) and to the Cristero Rebellion (1926). Both of these armed conflicts were resolved through an improvised and cumulative process that eventually did as much to obscure the causes of conflict as to remedy them. After independence, the liberals initiated the first phase of conflict, a conflict eventually extended into the twentieth century by various advocates of a strong, secular state. The conflict began as a resistance to the efforts to reform the church and to give the state a neutral orientation and subsequently escalated into a divisive cultural war. Conservative politicians and religious leaders took up the liberal challenge with a doctrine justifying a specific political order at almost any price, thereby involving the church and the state in a mutually destructive and increasingly bitter struggle.


2011 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 415-427
Author(s):  
Metropolitan Nikolaos

The Bioethics Committee of the Church of Greece, headed by Metropolitan Nikolaos of Mesogaia and Lavreotiki, was founded a few years ago, bringing together clergy, medical and legal experts. In his address, Metropolitan Nikolaos explains the concerns and the conditions that led to its foundation and he outlines some of the activities and the principles of the Committee. This address, a somewhat broad-brush presentation of the state of bioethics in Greece, is offered as a proposal as to how the Church can work within a secular state, and how it can attempt to raise awareness about the spiritual aspect of bioethical concerns. Overall, the Bioethics Committee tries to promote public dialogue about sensitive bioethical issues, and to make sure that the spiritual perspective is duly informed by medical science. In addition, the Committee tries to make sure that the spiritual perspective is considered by the state in the face of existing or emerging law that touches on bioethical concerns.


AUC IURIDICA ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 67 (3) ◽  
pp. 71-96
Author(s):  
Petr Karola

This article is part of my dissertation on The Czech Republic as a Secular State. Its purpose is to explain what a secular state is, how it originated, how it has developed, and how it can be defined. Since the model of the laic state was primarily created in the gradually developing process of secularization in France and is linked to the local constitutional principle of laïcité, the article focuses primarily on this country. The article is divided into three interrelated parts. The first part discusses the constitutional principle of laïcité, unique to France, and its development up to 1958; the second part examines the process of the separation of the state from the church and the process of the formation of the secular state, taking into account the legal and constitutional aspects of this process; and the third, the most extensive part, examines the development of both legal secularism and laïcité from 1958 to the present. Moreover, it puts the whole development in the context of the state’s, gradually escalating, reaction to the growing influence of the “new” religions, especially Islam.


Author(s):  
Nataliya V. Tyumeneva ◽  

Introduction. The existence and development of any society is impossible without its spiritual component, which is closely connected with religion, religious values and ideals in Russia. Despite the fact that in the secular Russian state, the official government remains ideologically neutral to all religions, religious denominations and religious organizations, the state and the Church are converging in the socio-cultural space. Theoretical analysis. The interaction between the state and religious organizations is not distorted and does not diminish the importance of the prinicples of the constitutional order bases – a secular state and ideological neutrality of the state, because the interaction has nothing to do with the implementation of state and religious power, does not affect the implementation of the functions and tasks of the state and the Church. Empirical analysis. For the first time, the Constitution of the Russian Federation, through the amendments made in 2020, enshrined religious values and ideals, faith in God as the spiritual and moral foundations of the historical development of the multinational people of Russia. This became possible due to the expansion of the interpretation of the categories of “ideological neutrality” and “secular nature of the state”. Results. The content of the principle of the secular state and its ideological neutrality is based on the religious presence in the public legal sphere.


Author(s):  
Noah Salomon

This chapter takes a brief look at the history of the state in Sudan, and in particular its myriad interactions with the diverse and plural religious landscapes into which it has intervened, and out of which it sought to manufacture a productive partner for its governing efforts. It examines the early efforts of British colonialism as it sought to undo the Mahdist Islamic political order that had taken over Sudan in the early 1880s and to replace it with the institutions of a modern secular state. By both institutionalizing its religion and “civilizing” its population, the British hoped to pull Sudan into an emerging global order, one to which the Inqadh regime responded nearly a hundred years later, not by rejecting its categories, but rather by seeking to instill in them the ethical values of Islam.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 107
Author(s):  
Maria Sergeyevna LAVRRENTIEVA ◽  
Mikhail Mikhailovich TURKIN ◽  
Evgeny Sergeevich KUCHENIN ◽  
Maria Alexandrovna VOLKOVA ◽  
Alla Efratovna ZOLOTAREVA

The research analyzes problems associated with new religious movements in a secular state, using the example of the Russian Federation. It has been established that a state in which religion and the state are separated from each other is recognized as secular. The state and state bodies are separated from the Church and religious associations and do not interfere with their activities. In turn, the latter do not interfere with the activities of the state and state bodies. A secular state implies: the absence of any religious authority over state bodies, the inadmissibility of the performance of any state functions by the Church or its hierarchs; the absence of compulsory religion for public servants and authorities; the state's non-recognition of the legal significance of Church acts and religious rules as sources of law; the state's refusal to finance the expenses of any Church or religious organization. The purpose of this article is to review, define, and comprehensively analyze the legal regulation of new religious movements in Russia, as well as to determine the legal status of these organizations, their activities and relationships with the state and state bodies.


Slavic Review ◽  
1989 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 361-387 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gregory L. Freeze

It has long been an unchallenged assumption in Russian historiography—prerevolutionary, Soviet, western—that the Orthodox church was an instrument of the state. It is generally held that this subservience, if muted in medieval Muscovy, became overt in the early eighteenth century, when the church reforms of Peter the Great transformed the church into a state bureau and its clergy into ideological policemen. Contemporary accounts by foreigners, in particular, stressed the apparent servility of the church and its exploitation by the secular state. Secular elites in Russia held essentially the same view; even laymen whose sentiments put them close to the church felt defenseless before such foreign criticism. The intelligentsia, whether of liberal or radical persuasion, generally tended to dismiss the church and clergy as little more than ordained gendarmes, particularly in the prereform era. The church endeavored, to be sure, to rebut such criticism, especially after 1855, when a less stringent censorship, the proliferation of ecclesiastical journals, and heightened concern for social issues triggered a flurry of articles about the church and its social conscience. Once the storm over emancipation had subsided, the issue lost its immediate relevance and elicited only marginal, superficial studies for the duration of the ancien regime.


2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 278-296
Author(s):  
John Bekos

Abstract This article presents an alternative use of The Church and the Kingdom, a homily that Giorgio Agamben addressed to the Bishop of Paris and high-ranked Church officials at Notre Dame Cathedral in Paris, in 2009. Taking advantage of the biblical and patristic sources of the homily, this article places the speech within the Christian tradition, treating it as if it was a Christian homily. It argues that the Church and the Kingdom lay the foundations for the new political comprising a dialectical tension between the State and the Church. The alternative politics of this new political is further developed by bringing together John Chrysostom, the philosopher Agamben and the theologian Stanley Hauerwas. This coming together leads to a politics of a life as strangers, sojourners and refugees.


Author(s):  
Miklos Zala

In the previous centuries, religion had been losing its prominent role in society, but its relationship to the modern democratic state is still among the most fundamental questions of political philosophy. Secularism is commonly described with label of “the separation of Church and state,” but the idea of the state disconnectedness from religion is a much more complex a phenomenon than this term suggests. A secular state must “manage” the relationship between religion and state institutions in a way that makes religion both subject to specific disabilities and singling out for special treatment. Modern secularism has several different faces: Political secularism, economic secularism, educational secularism, ethical secularism, scientific secularism, and religious criticism are all different modes of secularism. Political secularism is the key mode among these, because it is a precondition of the pursuit of the other modes. Political secularism has three essential elements: politics, religion, and their separation. Consequently, different conceptions of secularism will provide different and rival versions of the core concept, political secularism, depending on how they define politics, religion, and separation. Secularism can refer to different levels of the state: to its ends (a theocracy is the exact opposite of a secular state in this regard); its institutions (the connectedness/disconnectedness of the state’s institutions with that of the Church); its laws/public policies (the state’s regulation of religion and religious activities); its source of legitimacy (what is the final source of the legitimacy of the state); the justification of its public policies/laws (what justification is given to state laws/public policies); the level of power and jurisdiction (whether the state is the only sovereign on its territory or sovereignty is shared with the Church); and its symbolic dimension (whether the state symbolically supports any religious groups). The function of political secularism is to prevent at least four different kinds of problems: It must protect the religious freedom of believers on its territory, and religion must be protected from politics, but the state must be also protected from religion. In addition, there is a possible problem on the symbolic level, with the state’s official endorsement of religion. Political secularism must also satisfy important normative principles. The most important of these are freedom of conscience and the principle of state neutrality. To satisfy these principles/normative requirements, the secular state must manage religion in a way that it keeps a principled distance on the aforementioned levels, but it must also protect and accommodate religion so it does not suffer unfair disadvantages. The upshot is that a secular state will be incompatible with either full religious establishment and the radical separation of Church and state—regimes that satisfy political secularism will take place somewhere between these two poles.


1981 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 40-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Saïd Amir Arjomand

With the progressive development of secularism in the West, of which Spain's formally becoming a secular state in 1978 may be taken as a symbolic culmination, the Church-State problem has long receded from the foreground of the Occidental memory. Yet, in other parts of the world, where God is not dead, the analogue problem of the relationship between the hierocracy and the state merits attention. As the Islamic revolution of February 1979 eloquently demonstrates, the problem is of great importance and the sociologists' or social historians' neglect of it could only be to the detriment of their understanding.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document