scholarly journals Lawrence Rubin et Adam N. Stulberg, The end of strategic stability ? Nuclear weapons and the challenge of regional rivalries, Washington, Georgetown University Press, 2018, 314 pages

2021 ◽  
Vol N° 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 185-186
Author(s):  
Tiphaine de Champchesnel

Author(s):  
Tauqeer Hussain Sargana ◽  
Mujahid Hussain

The ‘Indo-US civil nuclear cooperation’ has casted negative shadows over Pakistan’s security with that of strategic stability in South Asia. This paper makes the point that the emergence of strategic partnership between Indian and US has served bilateral objectives while impacting deeply on the geo-political landscape of Pakistan’s strategic interests. The fundamental strategic objective of Pakistan has been to resist Indian hegemonic role in the region. To achieve such a balance the country has not only joined security alliances in the past but had to detonate its nuclear weapons in reaction to Indian attempt to outburst the ‘balance of power’. Due to Indo-US nuclear cooperation, suddenly Pakistan came under stress as it allowed India to feed its civilian reactors by importing fuel from international market with that of using domestic fuel in its military reactors. This not only allowed India to fix energy shortfall but also sustain its nuclear weapons program. Pakistan contrary to that was set-aside and denied the similar treatment as of India. Therefore, this paper has made an attempt to objectively analyze the premises of Indo-US nuclear cooperation and highlight security implications for Pakistan. The study is deductive in nature and has used mixed method approach with qualitative research methodology.



2020 ◽  
pp. 77-86
Author(s):  
Nataliya Romashkina ◽  
◽  
Dmitry Stefanovich ◽  

Purpose: To identify the current strategic stability problems associated with the destructive impact of information and communication technologies (ICT) on the basis of analysis and systematization according to various parameters of cyber risks and threats to international security and global stability that can reduce the level of strategic stability and to develop relevant proposals that can lay the foundation for creation of a deterrence policy in the ICT domain. Research method: analysis, synthesis and scientific forecasting, expert assessment, comparative analysis of the cyber domain within the framework of a systematic approach. Result: the article presents analysis and systematization risks and threats to international security and global stability emanating from the cyber sphere according to various parameters. The article proves the impact of the accelerated development of information and communication technologies (ICT) on strategic stability, and that ensuring the cybersecurity of nuclear weapons requires special attention. The global problems of strategic stability at the current stage are posed and the conclusions are that the protection of strategic weapons, early warning systems, air and missile defense, communications, command and control over nuclear weapons from harmful ICTs are the pressing global problems of our time. Specific scenarios of cyber threats leading to a decrease in the level of strategic stability below the necessary and sufficient level have been elaborated, and proposals have been formulated to minimize the corresponding escalation threats. Proposed measures can become a basis for a deterrence policy in the ICT domain, as it was done during the period of bipolarity with regard to nuclear weapons, and become the foundation for broader international agreements on arms control in the so-called nuclear information space of the future.



Author(s):  
Pavel Zolotarev

The article deals with issues related to the task of reducing the risks of escalation of a local military conflict to the level of a nuclear one. To find ways to solve this problem, three aspects are considered – doctrinal, concerning official views on the use of nuclear weapons; features of the means of delivery of tactical nuclear weapons; features of the storage of tactical nuclear ammunition; the influence of high-precision weapons. The main doctrinal provisions are considered for Russia, the United States and China. The conclusion is substantiated that it is expedient to consolidate in the doctrinal documents of nuclear states or in other forms of mutual obligations the provision that each state will develop new non-nuclear systems of armed struggle with a simultaneous reduction in the role of nuclear weapons in ensuring security. To reduce the risk of escalation of the conflict to a nuclear one, it is proposed to work out the issue of refusing to create and deploy delivery vehicles that allow their use for both conventional and nuclear strikes. Relevant proposals have been made regarding the deployment of short-range nuclear weapons carriers and storage sites for nuclear charges, aimed at minimizing the risk of the use of nuclear weapons. An assessment of the capabilities of high-precision weapons to disrupt strategic stability when trying to use them for decapitating or disarming strikes is carried out. The conclusion is made about the unreality of such scenarios. A comparative analysis of the risks of escalation of military conflicts to the nuclear level was carried out for the European and Asia-Pacific regions. Taking into account the achieved level of survivability of the Chinese nuclear potential and the prospects for its development, it is assumed that there is a higher risk of an escalation of a military conflict for the European theater. 



2020 ◽  
Vol 72 (4) ◽  
pp. 678-708
Author(s):  
Marina Kostic

Th? paper focuses on the research of general possibilities and limitations of the multilateralization of the strategic arms control negotiations and particularly the inclusion of China in these negotiations because, during 2019 and 2020, the US conditioned the extension of the New START Treaty with China?s involvement in the trilateral strategic arms control negotiations. By doing so, the US recognised China as an important factor influencing the maintenance of strategic stability and possibilities for further reduction of strategic arms. The main hypothesis is the claim that the limitations still overcome the possibilities regarding the multilateralization of the strategic arms control negotiation, and that the prospects of involving China in this kind of negotiation remain minimal. This hypothesis was tested through theoretical deliberation based on the notion of strategic stability, and its transformation during the Cold War until today, as well as on four indicators or preconditions of China?s involvement in the strategic arms control, which are: 1) quantitative reduction of the number of nuclear arms of the US and Russia to China?s level; 2) decrease of the role of nuclear weapons in the national security and defense strategies of the great powers; 3) decrease of the role of nuclear weapons as the status symbol of the great power or superpower and 4) conclusion of the multilateral international agreement (not trilateral) on limitations on the use of nuclear weapons. The author uses the methods of content and discourse analysis, as well as the comparative method. The author concludes that the absence of the intention of the US and Russia to further reduce their strategic arms and decrease the role of nuclear weapons in their security and defense strategies, as well as the absence of consent on which parties or actors should be included in the arms control talks and China?s general suspicion about the effectiveness of the arms control agreements, influence China not to take part on any strategic arms control talks at this moment.



Author(s):  
A. Arbatov ◽  
V. Dvorkin

During a fairly long period of “strategic stability” Soviet Union and United States put a different meaning in this term. Only in June 1990 the two states issued a joint statement where the most general form of an agreed definition appeared. It virtually replaced the old principle of equality and equal security which proved to be too amorphous and, therefore, not binding. The article proposes a detailed analysis of how to maintain the strategic stability in the light of new threats and processes which will inevitably lead to its erosion and will increase the likelihood of combat or terrorist use of nuclear weapons, with devastating consequences for all modern civilization.



2015 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 7-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fiona S. Cunningham ◽  
M. Taylor Fravel

Whether China will abandon its long-standing nuclear strategy of assured retaliation for a first-use posture will be a critical factor in future U.S.-China strategic stability. In the past decade, advances in U.S. strategic capabilities, especially missile defenses and enhanced long-range conventional strike capacity, could undermine China's nuclear retaliatory capability, which is based on a relatively small force and second-strike posture. An exhaustive review of Chinese writings on military affairs indicates, however, that China is unlikely to abandon its current nuclear strategy of assured retaliation. Instead, China will modestly expand its arsenal, increase the sophistication of its forces, and allow limited ambiguity regarding its pledge not to use nuclear weapons first. This limited ambiguity allows China to use the threat of nuclear retaliation to deter a conventional attack on its nuclear arsenal, without significantly increasing the size of its nuclear forces and triggering a costly arms race. Nevertheless, China's effort to maintain its strategy of assured retaliation while avoiding an arms race could backfire. Those efforts increase the risk that nuclear weapons could be used in a crisis between the United States and China, even though China views this possibility as much less likely than the United States does.



Author(s):  
V. Mizin

The problems of antimissile defense constitutes one of the key issues of global arms control domain of today. No advancement toward the lowering of global military threat, reciprocal reduction of nuclear weapons’ arsenals and the solving of contemporary tasks in the vast realm of today’s strategic stability are feasible, if a suitable arrangement on it is not to be found. At the same time, this conundrum is the major irritant in the Russia-West interrelationship, first and foremost, in our dealings with the NATO military-political alliance led by the USA. Therefore, finding the mutually acceptable solutions to this end would have promoted the consolidation of mutual trust and created the prerequisites for moving toward a safer and more stable world. The paper suggests a set of specific urgent steps that would show the ways out of the current negotiating impasse related to the ABM problematic and created the basis for a potential agreement while not afflicting the national security of any state in the world.



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