Indo-US Civil Nuclear Deal & Pakistan Security

The ‘Indo-US civil nuclear cooperation’ has casted negative shadows over Pakistan’s security with that of strategic stability in South Asia. This paper makes the point that the emergence of strategic partnership between Indian and US has served bilateral objectives while impacting deeply on the geo-political landscape of Pakistan’s strategic interests. The fundamental strategic objective of Pakistan has been to resist Indian hegemonic role in the region. To achieve such a balance the country has not only joined security alliances in the past but had to detonate its nuclear weapons in reaction to Indian attempt to outburst the ‘balance of power’. Due to Indo-US nuclear cooperation, suddenly Pakistan came under stress as it allowed India to feed its civilian reactors by importing fuel from international market with that of using domestic fuel in its military reactors. This not only allowed India to fix energy shortfall but also sustain its nuclear weapons program. Pakistan contrary to that was set-aside and denied the similar treatment as of India. Therefore, this paper has made an attempt to objectively analyze the premises of Indo-US nuclear cooperation and highlight security implications for Pakistan. The study is deductive in nature and has used mixed method approach with qualitative research methodology.

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Assuring Assured Retaliation: China's Nuclear Posture and U.S.-China Strategic Stability

International Security ◽

10.1162/isec_a_00215 ◽

2015 ◽

Vol 40 (2) ◽

pp. 7-50 ◽

Cited By ~ 22

Author(s):

Fiona S. Cunningham ◽

M. Taylor Fravel

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Nuclear Weapons ◽

Critical Factor ◽

The United States ◽

Arms Race ◽

Nuclear Forces ◽

Nuclear Strategy ◽

The Past ◽

Strategic Stability ◽

Small Force

Whether China will abandon its long-standing nuclear strategy of assured retaliation for a first-use posture will be a critical factor in future U.S.-China strategic stability. In the past decade, advances in U.S. strategic capabilities, especially missile defenses and enhanced long-range conventional strike capacity, could undermine China's nuclear retaliatory capability, which is based on a relatively small force and second-strike posture. An exhaustive review of Chinese writings on military affairs indicates, however, that China is unlikely to abandon its current nuclear strategy of assured retaliation. Instead, China will modestly expand its arsenal, increase the sophistication of its forces, and allow limited ambiguity regarding its pledge not to use nuclear weapons first. This limited ambiguity allows China to use the threat of nuclear retaliation to deter a conventional attack on its nuclear arsenal, without significantly increasing the size of its nuclear forces and triggering a costly arms race. Nevertheless, China's effort to maintain its strategy of assured retaliation while avoiding an arms race could backfire. Those efforts increase the risk that nuclear weapons could be used in a crisis between the United States and China, even though China views this possibility as much less likely than the United States does.

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Diversification propaganda work with foreign audiences

Век информации (сетевое издание) ◽

10.33941/age-info.com44(13)4 ◽

2020 ◽

Vol 4 (4(13)) ◽

pp. 31-50

Author(s):

Shiyu Zhang ◽

Keyword(s):

Developing Countries ◽

International Relations ◽

Strategic Partnership ◽

The Past ◽

Bilateral Relations ◽

The Media ◽

The Relationship

Over the past decade, bilateral relations between China and Russia have attracted the attention of the whole world. As neighbors and rapidly developing countries, China and Russia are becoming increasingly important in the international arena. The strategic partnership and interaction between China and Russia occupy a significant place in the politics of both countries. Cooperation is developing dynamically in various fields, primarily in politics. After 2012, a change of government took place in China and Russia, which brought new changes to international relations. Studying the involvement of the media in this process can clarify their impact on international relations, in particular, their role in the relationship between China and Russia.

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Proroguing the Parliament of Australia: The Effect on the Senate and the Conventions that Constrain the Prerogative Power

Federal Law Review ◽

10.22145/flr.40.1.3 ◽

2012 ◽

Vol 40 (1) ◽

pp. 69-88

Author(s):

Eliot Olivier

Keyword(s):

Prime Minister ◽

New South ◽

New South Wales ◽

Balance Of Power ◽

Public Attention ◽

General Will ◽

Real Possibility ◽

Political Landscape ◽

South Wales ◽

Constitutional System

Political controversies in New South Wales and Canada recently have focused public attention on the constitutional practice of proroguing parliament. They have also shone a light on two lingering areas of uncertainty that surround its operation under the Commonwealth Constitution. This article seeks to clarify these two muddy areas of the law concerning prorogation. The first is the effect of prorogation on the Senate and its committees. Since Federation, the Senate has purported to authorise its committees to continue to function notwithstanding a prorogation of the Parliament. However, it is argued that this practice is unsupported by the provisions of the Constitution and the Senate has no such power. Second, the article examines the operation of the conventions that constrain the Governor-General's power to prorogue. Prorogation generally is exercised on the advice of the Prime Minister. However, this article contends that where a Prime Minister seeks to prorogue Parliament to avoid a vote of no confidence, the Governor-General will have a discretion to reject the advice. It may also be open to the Governor-General to reject an advice to prorogue where the purpose is to avoid scrutiny of a fundamental constitutional illegality. In Australia, the uncertainties that surround prorogation, coupled with the now precarious political landscape in Canberra, create the very real possibility of a prorogation crisis at the Commonwealth level. This article provides a response to these uncertainties. In doing so it offers a solution to how a prorogation crisis can be resolved, whilst maintaining the fine balance of power in our constitutional system.

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The Madness beyond MAD—Current American Nuclear Strategy

Political Science and Politics ◽

10.1017/s1049096500023775 ◽

1984 ◽

Vol 17 (01) ◽

pp. 33-40

Author(s):

Robert Jervis

Keyword(s):

Nuclear Weapons ◽

Reagan Administration ◽

Military Power ◽

Nuclear Strategy ◽

The Past ◽

Means And Ends ◽

Soviet Force ◽

Nuclear Policy ◽

The Impact ◽

The U.S

A rational strategy for the employment of nuclear weapons is a contradiction in terms. The enormity of the destruction, either executed or threatened, severs the nexus of proportionality between means and ends which used to characterize the threat and use of force. This does not mean, however, that all nuclear strategies are equally irrational. The nuclear policy of the Reagan administration—which is essentially the same as that of the Carter administration and which has its roots in developments initiated by even earlier administrations—is particularly ill-formed. As I will demonstrate, the basic reason for this is that the strategy rests on a profound underestimation of the impact of nuclear weapons on military strategy and attempts to understand the current situation with intellectual tools appropriate only in the pre-nuclear era.American strategy for the past several years—the “countervailing strategy”—has been based on the assumption that what is crucial is the ability of American and allied military forces to deny the Soviets military advantage from any aggression they might contemplate. The U.S. must be prepared to meet and block any level of Soviet force. The strategy is then one of counterforce—blocking and seeking to destroy Soviet military power. The goal is deterrence. Although it is concerned with how the U.S. would fight many different kinds of wars, both nuclear and non-nuclear, it is not correct to claim that the strategy seeks to engage in wars rather than deter them.

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The Power of Nations: Measuring What Matters

International Security ◽

10.1162/isec_a_00328 ◽

2018 ◽

Vol 43 (2) ◽

pp. 7-44 ◽

Cited By ~ 13

Author(s):

Michael Beckley

Keyword(s):

Goodness Of Fit ◽

Balance Of Power ◽

The United States ◽

Important Variable ◽

World Politics ◽

Great Powers ◽

Military Power ◽

The Past ◽

Policy Analysts ◽

Leading Journals

Power is the most important variable in world politics, but scholars and policy analysts systematically mismeasure it. Most studies evaluate countries’ power using broad indicators of economic and military resources, such as gross domestic product and military spending, that tally their wealth and military assets without deducting the costs they pay to police, protect, and serve their people. As a result, standard indicators exaggerate the wealth and military power of poor, populous countries, such as China and India. A sounder approach accounts for these costs by measuring power in net rather than gross terms. This approach predicts war and dispute outcomes involving great powers over the past 200 years more accurately than those that use gross indicators of power. In addition, it improves the in-sample goodness-of-fit in the majority of studies published in leading journals over the past five years. Applying this improved framework to the current balance of power suggests that the United States’ economic and military lead over other countries is much larger than typically assumed, and that the trends are mostly in America's favor.

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An analysis of user-generated comments on the development of social mobile learning

Knowledge Management & E-Learning: An International Journal ◽

10.34105/j.kmel.2015.07.013 ◽

2015 ◽

pp. 199-214

Keyword(s):

Mobile Learning ◽

Faculty Training ◽

Future Research ◽

Learning Technology ◽

The Public ◽

The Past ◽

Mobile Learning Technology ◽

Student Training ◽

Effective Design ◽

Method Approach

In this study, the authors used a mixed-method approach to analyze user-generated comments on social mobile learning from three leading news sites that report the latest development in higher education. Koole’s mobile learning model was used to code comments made by the public on the three news sites. Results showed that social mobile learning has gained an increasing public engagement in the past four years. Responders’ discussion in the comments primarily focused on four themes of social mobile learning: technology adoption, effective design, faculty training, and student training. In the end, the authors discussed the implications for developers and educators and concluded with recommendations for future research in social mobile learning using user-generated comments.

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"Te kōwhiringa pōti Māori: Me rārangi Māori, me rārangi auraki rānei?" Exploring rangatahi Māori experiences of the Māori electoral option process: A mixed-method approach

10.26686/wgtn.14558487.v1 ◽

2021 ◽

Author(s):

Ruben Kearney-Parata

Keyword(s):

New Zealand ◽

Quantitative Analysis ◽

Mixed Method ◽

Electoral Roll ◽

Mixed Method Approach ◽

Political Landscape ◽

Aotearoa New Zealand ◽

Kaupapa Māori ◽

Elected Representatives ◽

Method Approach

In Aotearoa New Zealand, Māori voters have the option to sign up for one of two electoral rolls: the Māori roll or the general roll. This function of Indigenous political choice and representation occupies a unique place in Aotearoa New Zealand’s constitutional arrangements. While the Māori electorates have been around for over 150 years, the number of seats have grown from only four to seven in the New Zealand House of Parliament. Electoral roll populations determine the number of seats in Parliament, and provide a sole line of accountability to Māori communities for elected representatives. The Māori Electoral Option, which provides voters the opportunity to change rolls, is only presented once every five years. In this thesis I identify three pervasive systemic barriers, as well as a number of other issues, present in the electoral roll option process. This research contributes to the growing literature looking at rangatahi Māori experiences intersecting with identity, place, space and time. Through a Kaupapa Māori lens, this thesis uses interview findings and quantitative analysis to discuss the experiences of rangatahi navigating the Māori electoral roll choice. Here I explore the various influences and complexities which impact rangatahi Māori interaction with the electoral rolls as well as the broader socio-political landscape.

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Apuntes para una mecánica política del paisaje (Ilustrados con algunas escenas barcelonesas) | Notes on the politics of landscape (Illustrated with a few scenes of Barcelona)

ZARCH ◽

10.26754/ojs_zarch/zarch.201671516 ◽

2016 ◽

Author(s):

Victor Ténez Ybern

Keyword(s):

Balance Of Power ◽

Recent History ◽

The Political ◽

Human Group ◽

Political Role ◽

Political Landscape ◽

Dynamic Relationship ◽

History Of ◽

The Relationship

Si asumimos que el paisaje es el resultado perceptible de la relación dinámica entre un determinado grupo humano y su medio; esa definición que se cuenta entre las de más consenso entre aquellos que dicen hacer paisajes, suscita de inmediato ciertas preguntas: ¿Cuál es el papel de aquel que pretende crear paisajes, si el paisaje es un proceso que se da por si solo? ¿Hasta qué punto incide cambiar el aspecto de un lugar en esa relación entre la gente y su entorno cotidiano?El texto pretende explorar las consecuencias de esas paradójicas preguntas, a partir de una primera hipótesis: la del carácter intrínsecamente político del proyecto del paisaje. De esta hipótesis parte la intención de mostrar la evolución de la reflexión sobre ese papel político del hacer paisajes, en el que el hacedor de paisajes que está siempre situado entre los equilibrios de poder que se establecen entre las instituciones y la gente. A partir de aquí, se analizan algunos momentos clave de la historia de ese paisaje político, donde el “hacedor de paisajes” intenta encontrar su lugar.En el horizonte del texto, aparecen también imágenes de la historia reciente de mi ciudad, a modo de ilustración de lo dicho. If we accept that landscape is the perceptible result of the dynamic relationship process between a specific human group and an environment, this definition, which enjoys the most acceptance among those people who ‘make landscape’, immediately raises certain questions: What is the role of the person who aims to create landscapes, if landscape is a process that takes place on its own? To what point does this affect the relationship between people and their daily setting?This article initially aims to explore the consequences of that paradox through a first hypothesis: the intrinsically political nature of the landscape project. This hypothesis springs from the intention of describing the evolution of the reflection on this political role of making landscape, in which ‘landscape makers’ constantly find themselves affected by the balance of power established between institutions and people. Subsequently, analysis will be conducted on a series of key periods in the history of the political landscape in which landscape makers endeavour to find their place.Pictures of the recent history of my city appear interspersed within the text, in order to illustrate what has been described.

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Strategic Risks and Problems of Cyber Security

Voprosy kiberbezopasnosti ◽

10.21681/2311-3456-2020-05-77-86 ◽

2020 ◽

pp. 77-86

Author(s):

Nataliya Romashkina ◽

◽

Dmitry Stefanovich ◽

Keyword(s):

Global Stability ◽

Information And Communication Technologies ◽

Nuclear Weapons ◽

International Security ◽

Communication Technologies ◽

Early Warning Systems ◽

Strategic Stability ◽

Global Problems ◽

Information And Communication ◽

The Impact

Purpose: To identify the current strategic stability problems associated with the destructive impact of information and communication technologies (ICT) on the basis of analysis and systematization according to various parameters of cyber risks and threats to international security and global stability that can reduce the level of strategic stability and to develop relevant proposals that can lay the foundation for creation of a deterrence policy in the ICT domain. Research method: analysis, synthesis and scientific forecasting, expert assessment, comparative analysis of the cyber domain within the framework of a systematic approach. Result: the article presents analysis and systematization risks and threats to international security and global stability emanating from the cyber sphere according to various parameters. The article proves the impact of the accelerated development of information and communication technologies (ICT) on strategic stability, and that ensuring the cybersecurity of nuclear weapons requires special attention. The global problems of strategic stability at the current stage are posed and the conclusions are that the protection of strategic weapons, early warning systems, air and missile defense, communications, command and control over nuclear weapons from harmful ICTs are the pressing global problems of our time. Specific scenarios of cyber threats leading to a decrease in the level of strategic stability below the necessary and sufficient level have been elaborated, and proposals have been formulated to minimize the corresponding escalation threats. Proposed measures can become a basis for a deterrence policy in the ICT domain, as it was done during the period of bipolarity with regard to nuclear weapons, and become the foundation for broader international agreements on arms control in the so-called nuclear information space of the future.

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A Broadening of Prospects: Female Progression in Austen and Eliot

10.26686/wgtn.17139605.v1 ◽

2021 ◽

Author(s):

◽

Lydia Verschaffelt

Keyword(s):

Nineteenth Century ◽

Female Development ◽

The Past ◽

Political Landscape ◽

National Importance ◽

Mill On The Floss ◽

Childhood Home ◽

Landed Gentry

Austen and Eliot register the turbulence and transformation of their respective historic moments in the portrayal of a young heroine on the cusp of adulthood with a number of potential paths ahead of her. The heroines, like their societies, are caught between old and new as they seek to acknowledge the ties that bind them to the past and simultaneously create a future of their own. This dilemma reveals the nineteenth-century novel’s concerns of the individual’s ability to grow while being enmeshed in a network of relationships, and the place of the past in an increasingly unstable future. Beginning with Emma (1815) and The Mill on the Floss (1860), and concluding with a comparison of Persuasion (1817) and Middlemarch (1871), this thesis tracks Austen and Eliot’s depiction of female development which moves from a focus on the centrality of the childhood home, and in particular the heroine’s relationship with her father, to a narrative which ends on a more conscious note of ambiguity and broadening prospects. Emma and Mill both depict heroines who find their future in their past. Emma and Maggie develop and assert their own agency, but their circumstances and experiences of childhood bind them to their site of origin. Conversely, both Austen and Eliot’s later works enact a deliberate loosening of the hold the heroine’s childhood has on her, and Anne and Dorothea end up in very different places to where they began. They both reject their position as part of the rural landed gentry to instead gain entry into a more dynamic and inclusive community. This personal transition is accompanied by a more explicit delineation of the evolving socio-political landscape, an increase in the heroine’s mobility and fluidity, and an ending that frustrates a sense of stable closure in preference for one of more open possibility. Thus, so far from being read simply as ‘marriage plots’ Austen and Eliot subversively depict the young woman’s changing position and prospects as a matter of national importance.

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