scholarly journals The US ABM system and global strategic stability

Author(s):  
V. Mizin

The problems of antimissile defense constitutes one of the key issues of global arms control domain of today. No advancement toward the lowering of global military threat, reciprocal reduction of nuclear weapons’ arsenals and the solving of contemporary tasks in the vast realm of today’s strategic stability are feasible, if a suitable arrangement on it is not to be found. At the same time, this conundrum is the major irritant in the Russia-West interrelationship, first and foremost, in our dealings with the NATO military-political alliance led by the USA. Therefore, finding the mutually acceptable solutions to this end would have promoted the consolidation of mutual trust and created the prerequisites for moving toward a safer and more stable world. The paper suggests a set of specific urgent steps that would show the ways out of the current negotiating impasse related to the ABM problematic and created the basis for a potential agreement while not afflicting the national security of any state in the world.

2021 ◽  
Vol 92 ◽  
pp. 09009
Author(s):  
Irina Minakova ◽  
Tatyana Bukreeva ◽  
Olga Solodukhina ◽  
Artyom Golovin

Research background. Due to the significant role that the United States, Russia and China play in the world political and economic processes, US-Russia-China relations can be recognized as the most important interstate relations in the world, setting the direction for the transformation of the international system. Nowadays, the study of these trilateral relations is a relevant scientific task. The authors, on a systematic basis, have investigated the aspects of interaction between the USA, Russia and China in the modern economy, which opened the way for solving the key issues of international relations. The authors have published several papers on this issue in Russia and abroad, including publications in Scopus and Web of Science indexed journals. Purpose of the article is to analyse the US-Russia-China relations and to determine the directions of their development in the context of globalization of the world economy. Methods. To analyse the interests, a systematic method was used that allows considering the interests of the United States, China and Russia as an holistic, complex mechanism with elements constantly interacting with each other. Findings & Value added. Despite geographical, linguistic, religious, and other distinctions, the United States, China, and Russia have a lot in common. There were historical periods of active and positive cooperation between these three major superpowers. In our opinion, in spite of the current contradictions between the parties, Russia, China and the United States have a mutual concern in harmonizing trilateral interests. However, the existed contradictions are not insoluble.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (7) ◽  
pp. 12
Author(s):  
Murat Jashari ◽  
Behar Selimi

American democracy continues to be one of the most stable democracies in the world and the model followed by many countries of the world. The practice of presidential governance based on the principle of 'checks and balances' of powers, has shown that the head of state should have sufficient executive powers to preserve and guarantee the democracy, especially in the field of defense and security. Furthermore, in circumstances of threats to national security, its powers can and should set a ''balance'' of powers in favor of the executive power, while not ignoring ''control'' of other powers over the executive power. It is precisely the power of the US president in the field of defense and security that is the subject of the treatment of this paper, which will be addressed beyond classical analyses based solely on his powers as commander in chief of the army. So, we will try to analyze all the powers, which in one way or another, can affect the defense and security policies.


2014 ◽  
pp. 13-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. Glazyev

This article examines fundamental questions of monetary policy in the context of challenges to the national security of Russia in connection with the imposition of economic sanctions by the US and the EU. It is proved that the policy of the Russian monetary authorities, particularly the Central Bank, artificially limiting the money supply in the domestic market and pandering to the export of capital, compounds the effects of economic sanctions and plunges the economy into depression. The article presents practical advice on the transition from external to domestic sources of long-term credit with the simultaneous adoption of measures to prevent capital flight.


Agronomy ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 534
Author(s):  
Pedro Revilla ◽  
Calli M. Anibas ◽  
William F. Tracy

Modern sweet corn is distinguished from other vegetable corns by the presence of one or more recessive alleles within the maize endosperm starch synthesis pathway. This results in reduced starch content and increased sugar concentration when consumed fresh. Fresh sweet corn originated in the USA and has since been introduced in countries around the World with increasing popularity as a favored vegetable choice. Several reviews have been published recently on endosperm genetics, breeding, and physiology that focus on the basic biology and uses in the US. However, new questions concerning sustainability, environmental care, and climate change, along with the introduction of sweet corn in other countries have produced a variety of new uses and research activities. This review is a summary of the sweet corn research published during the five years preceding 2021.


2021 ◽  
Vol 70 (4/2020) ◽  
pp. 123-149
Author(s):  
Marina Kostic

Treaty between the United States of America and the Russian Federation on measures for further reduction and limitation of strategic offensive arms (“New START”) is the last pillar of the arms control regime on which the end of the Cold War and the new world order rested. Its expiration on 5 February 2021 is a top security challenge and indicates a possible new strategic arms race. However, can the United States and Russia still preserve the existing strategic arms control by extending the Treaty for another five years? What are the prospects, the opportunities and obstacles for this extension? What are the most pressing issues USA and Russia face with in order to preserve strategic arms control and are they willing to do so? In order to answer to these research questions author analyses several key issues that are of paramount importance for extension of the New START: nuclear modernization processes, invention of new weapons and emergence of new warfare domains; transparency and verification and broader confidence building measures; missile defence and prompt global strike; tactical nuclear weapons in Europe and Asia; general US-Russia relations which include question of democratic capacity; and broader influence of this Treaty on nuclear non-proliferation regime. By using content and discourse analysis author concludes that, although it is obvious that the extension of the New START would be primarily in favour of Russia and that the USA has not much to gain, the character of strategic stability in the Third Nuclear Age gives reasons to believe that the New START will be extended for another five years.


2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 97-101
Author(s):  
Olga Baybakova ◽  
Larysa Sidun

AbstractArticle deals with the problem of multicultural education. Ukraine, being a multicultural society, requires a new conception of the world, aimed at integrating cultures and nations, their further convergence as well as cultural enrichment. In this context the experience of many foreign countries, especially the USA, is very interesting. This country differs from average multicultural nations in a range of peculiarities, one of which is the fact that cultural interaction was not within an individual ethnos, but within immigrants–descendants of different countries, representatives of various cultures. It is underlined that the USA is the country that underwent durable trials in search for the most optimum ways to provide cultural interaction. The most modern response to the cultural diversity at the end of the 20th century in the USA became the policy of multiculturalism. Multiculturalism is considered to be a democratic policy of solving the problem of cultural and social diversity in the society, which includes educational, linguistic, economic and social components and has specific mechanisms of embodiment.The interpretation of multicultural education is proposed as that one, which facilitates the formation in a person of the readiness for activities in a modern socio-cultural environment, preservation of personal identity, aspiration for respect and understanding of other cultural and ethnical communities, the ability to live in peace and harmony with representatives of various racial, ethnic, cultural, religious groups.


Author(s):  
Beverley Hooper

From the early 1970s, the US-China relationship was central to diplomatic reporting, with National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger’s visit to Peking in October 1971, President Nixon’s historic visit in February 1972, and the establishment the following year of small liaison offices in Peking and Washington. Following each of Kissinger’s further visits in 1973 and 1974, senior diplomats virtually queued up at the liaison office to find out what progress, if any, had been made towards the normalization of US-China relations. Peking’s diplomats, like some of their colleagues elsewhere in the world, did not always see eye-to-eye with their foreign ministries. There was little chance of their becoming overly attached to Communist China, as the Japanologists and Arabists were sometimes accused of doing for Japan and Arab countries. At the same time, living and breathing the PRC led some diplomats to regard Chinese Communism as being rather more nuanced—and the government somewhat less belligerent—than the Cold War images portrayed in the West, particularly the United States.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 98-107
Author(s):  
Haiping Qiu ◽  
Min Zhao

Purpose The world currency is endowed with two inherent contradictions, namely, the general contradiction of all currencies and the special contradiction between the quality and quantity of the world currency. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach In the wake of the Second World War, the USA, with its strong economic and military strength, established an international monetary system centered on the US dollar (USD). This gave USD the status of “world currency” and bounded it to the US imperialist hegemony with mutual integration and interaction, making it possible for USD capital to conduct international exploitation and wealth plundering extensively around the world. Findings The contradiction between the capital logic and the power logic, which is inherent in capital accumulation models of the new imperialism, also indicates the inevitable decline of USD. Originality/value This constitutes an important feature of the new imperialism. However, as a sovereign currency, USD has inextricable and inherent contradictions while exercising its function as the world currency.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 579-599
Author(s):  
Cindy Whang

ABSTRACT On 13 August 2018, US President Donald Trump signed a legislation called the ‘Export Controls Act of 2018’ (ECA) that is important for reinvigorating the export control regime in the USA. This paper argues that contents of the ECA will not only impact the USA but also the way that the ECA is structured will potentially have a long-lasting influence on international export control regimes and the role that export controls play in international trade. International export control regimes were established post-World War II as a trade measure to pursue common strategic and national security goals among allied countries. Due to the sensitive nature of national security issues, international export control agreements were structured as non-binding agreements that heavily relied on the consensus of participating countries in formulating export control lists that the participating countries could then adopt in their domestic regulations. The cohesiveness of the global export control regimes has been based on the cornerstones of the consensus-building and list-based standards. The USA established its export control regimes to complement these international export control regimes and has been a strong proponent of requesting countries to adopt the international export control lists into domestic regulations. With the passage of the ECA, the infusion of economic policy considerations such as maintaining the USA’s technological leadership through adding a category of emerging and foundational technology has changed the long-standing export control narrative. Through the changes made to the US ECA, the scope of national security subject to export control regimes has expanded from being focused on military-oriented goods and technology into one that now includes commercial technology. While the changes made through the ECA serve to protect the USA’s technological interests, the statute could also undermine important elements of the global export control regime that the international community has established in the past seventy years post-World War II.


2008 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-59 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin I. Page ◽  
Julia Rabinovich ◽  
David G. Tully

Americans' feelings about foreign countries are embedded in foreign policy belief systems and affect policy preferences. The analysis of nine surveys of the US general public conducted between 1978 and 2006 indicates that on average Americans have had rather lukewarm or slightly cool, nearly neutral, feelings toward China, India, South Korea, Taiwan, and Indonesia; warm feelings toward Japan and Australia; and cold feelings toward North Korea and (at least since 2001) toward Pakistan and Afghanistan.Individuals' feelings are affected by certain personal and social characteristics. High levels of formal education tend to make people feel considerably warmer toward most of these countries—especially Pakistan, Afghanistan, and India. Education increases information: those who know more about the world generally express warmer feelings. But most important are internationalist attitudes, especially putting a relatively low priority on US domestic threats and concerns, embracing capitalism and world markets, and espousing world antipoverty goals. National security considerations play only a limited part. Policy implications are discussed.


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