Modeling of current and future state of biodiversity in Central America using GLOBIO3 methodology

Author(s):  
Denisse McLean R.

The modeling of the state of biodiversity in Central America using GLOBIO3 methodology was carried out by the Regional Biodiversity Institute for the Central American Commission on Environment and Development. For each country, current and future states of biodiversity under three socio-economic scenarios were explored. The country results were integrated into one regional assessment. The aim of this chapter is to explain how GLOBIO3 was adapted to the national scale. The main issues and the approaches adopted to solve them are described. The results from the Central American experience are presented followed by a discussion on main model limitations and derived recommendations. Finally, the challenges countries face to integrate the results into their government agendas are analyzed. This chapter is expected to be helpful for potential users of GLOBIO3 who are interested in the application of the methodology on a national and sub regional scale.

1971 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-172 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth J. Grieb

The militarycoup d'étatwhich installed General Maximiliano Hernández Martínez as President of El Salvador during December 1931 created a crisis involving the 1923 Washington Treaties. By the terms of these accords, the Central American nadons had pledged to withhold recognition from governments seizing power through force in any of the isthmian republics. Although not a signatory of the treaty, the United States based its recognition policy on this principle. Through this means the State Department had attempted to impose some stability in Central America, by discouraging revolts. With the co-operation of the isthmian governments, United States diplomats endeavored to bring pressure to bear on the leaders of any uprising, to deny them the fruits of their victory, and thus reduce the constant series ofcoupsandcounter-coupsthat normally characterized Central American politics.


LETRAS ◽  
2011 ◽  
pp. 63-75
Author(s):  
Verónica Ríos Quesada

Las novelas Te llevaré en mis ojos de Rodolfo Arias y Limón Reggae de Anacristina Rossi representan tanto las guerras como la posguerra en Centroamérica. Inauguran un cronotopo: costarricenses en la experiencia revolucionaria centroamericana desde una mirada femenina no ligada a una subjetividad heroica. Sin embargo, en esas obras no se logra mostrar a la sociedad costarricense en el contexto transnacional, por lo que se refuerzan los cronotopos escindidos con respecto a Centroamérica que caracterizan al imaginario simbólico costarricense. The novels Te llevaré en mis ojos by Rodolfo Arias and Limón Reggae by Anacristina Rossi represent both the wars and the postwar period in Central America. They establish a chronotope: Costa Ricans in the revolutionary Central American experience from a feminine perspective which is not connected to heroic subjectivity. However, in these novels the Costa Rican context is not shown in a multinational context, thus reinforcing split chronotopes concerning Central America which characterize the Costa Rican symbolic imaginary.


Author(s):  
Wolfgang Gabbert

While the end of colonial rule brought formal equality it did not end discrimination and marginalization of the indigenous population in independent Central America. Many suffered land loss and proletarianization in the emerging agricultural export economy. However, indigenous people were not mere victims of exploitation, displacement, and ladinization but played an often active role in Central American politics. Participation in the market economy and access to education fostered stratification within the indigenous population. The emergence of well-off and educated Indians and changes in international politics promoting multiculturalism contributed to the emergence of indigenous movements in recent decades. While some progress has been made concerning the recognition of cultural difference and autonomy, land rights are still a much disputed issue.


Author(s):  
Sheryl Felecia Means

Across the Central American region, several groups received political autonomy by the end of the 20th century. By granting autonomy to these groups, countries like Nicaragua acknowledged certain populations as members of distinct ethnic groups. This was not the case for every country or group in the region, and the lack of effective ethno-racial policy-making considerations across Central America has led to language attrition, loss of land and water rights, and commodification of historic communities. This article focuses on Honduras and Belize as unique sites of ethno-racial and socio-cultural policy making, group identity making and unmaking, and group rights for the Garinagu. Specifically, this work forwards a re-examination of national ethno-racial policy and a critical assessment of political models based on ethno-cultural collective rights intended to combat racial discrimination.


Author(s):  
Michael R. Woods ◽  
Susana V. Rivera-Mills

AbstractThis sociolinguistic study explores linguistic attitudes of Salvadorans and Hondurans living in the United States towards the use of voseo, a distinguishing feature of Central American Spanish. Using sociolinguistic interviews and ethnographic observations, the Central American experience in Oregon and Washington is examined regarding linguistic attitudes toward voseo and tuteo and how these influence Salvadoran and Honduran identity in U.S. communities that are primarily Mexican-American. Initial findings point to participants developing ethnolinguistic masks and an expanded use of tú as a strategic approach to integration into the established Mexican-American community, while at the same time maintaining a sense of Central American identity.


Author(s):  
Alice C. Shaffer

Central America has been one of the pioneer areas for the United Nations Children's Fund assisted pro grams. When the United Nations Children's Fund, under a broadened mandate from the United Nations, shifted the emphasis of its aid from emergency to long term and from war-torn countries to those economically less developed, Cen tral American governments immediately requested its assist ance to strengthen and extend services to children and mothers. As one of the first areas in the world to aim at the eradication of malaria and to have engaged in an inten sive campaign against malnutrition on a regional basis, the Central American experiences in these fields have become known, watched, and studied by people from many countries. Against this background, international and bilateral organi zations are working together with governments as they broaden the scope and the extent of their programs. Ten years of co-operative action have highlighted the need for train ing of personnel, both professional and auxiliary. This period has also made clear the value of more integrated programs with wider collaboration both within the ministries of government and between the international organizations.


1959 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 291-295
Author(s):  
Walter V. Scholes

As American economic interests expanded in Central America in the early twentieth century, many British representatives concluded that the Foreign Office would have to devise some method to protect existing British investments against American encroachment. When Secretary of State Knox visited Central America in 1912, he and Sir Lionel E. G. Carden, the British Minister to Central America, discussed Central American affairs when they met in Guatemala on March 16. Knox could scarcely have been very sympathetic as Carden expounded the British point of view, for the Department of State believed that the greatest obstacle to the success of its policy in Central America was none other than the British Minister. As early as April, 1910, Knox had unsuccessfully tried to have Carden transferred from his post; the attempt failed because Sir Edward Grey backed up his Minister.


1931 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 298-301 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chandler P. Anderson

The treaty obligation, which the Central American countries have imposed upon themselves, to refuse recognition to new governments established in those countries in certain specified circumstances, was first adopted in their General Treaty of Peace and Amity of December 20, 1907, and their supplemental treaty of the same date.2 The stipulations of these treaties were restated and consolidated in their later General Treaty of Peace and Amity of February 7, 1923, which treaty is still in force.3


1990 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 3-7 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pranab Bardhan

The role of the state in economic development is one of the oldest topics in economics, yet controversies rage with similar passion and camps are divided on lines today broadly similar to the early writings. Though the authors of the papers in this symposium present different views, they all refuse to pose the question as a simple choice between the market mechanism and state intervention. Larry Westphal and Albert Fishlow evaluate the South Korean and the Latin American experience, respectively, in their essential complexity. Mrinal Datta-Chaudhuri draws upon a comparative study of the Indian and East Asian cases to bring out the contradictions and complementaries in the relationship between the state and the economy. Anne Krueger's paper reflects on how the comparative advantages and disadvantages of state action flow from its organizational and incentive characteristics.


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