The Debate on the Pandemic in Spain

2022 ◽  
pp. 288-305
Author(s):  
Francisco Javier Vellón Lahoz
Keyword(s):  
Economic Consequences ◽  
The Political ◽  
Lexical Selection ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Discursive Strategies ◽  
Emotional Component ◽  
The Government

The chapter analyses the discourse of the political debate in the Spanish parliamentary confrontation on the coronavirus and its health and economic consequences. To this end, it analyses eight debates led by the President of the Government, Pedro Sánchez, and the leader of the opposition, Pablo Casado. The discursive strategies of both influence the central aspects of the political framework on which the legislature is structured, as can be seen in the grammatical mechanisms, in the lexical selection, in the evidentiality around the sources of legitimacy, and in general, in the stylistic and emotional component of the respective interventions. In this way, the pandemic has become a privileged reference for the political programmes of the different parties.

Nicaragua: De-democratization and Regime Crisis

2020 ◽  
Vol 62 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
Salvador Martí i Puig ◽  
Macià Serra
Keyword(s):  
Authoritarian Regime ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Protest ◽  
Hybrid Regimes ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Key Issues ◽  
The Government ◽  
Nicaraguan Politics ◽  
Regime Crisis

ABSTRACTThe aim of this article is to analyze three key issues in current Nicaraguan politics and in the political debate surrounding hybrid regimes: de-democratization, political protest, and the fall of presidencies. First, it analyzes the process of de-democratization that has been taking place in Nicaragua since 2000. It shows that the 2008 elections were not competitive but characteristic of an electoral authoritarian regime. Second, it reflects on the kind of regime created in Nicaragua under Daniel Ortega’s mandate, focusing on the system’s inability to process any kind of protest and dissent. Third, it examines the extent to which the protests that broke out in April 2018 may predict the early end to Ortega’s presidency, or whether Nicaragua’s political crisis may lead to negotiations between the government and the opposition.

scholarly journals Digital Public Sphere and Geography: The Influence of Physical Location on Twitter’s Political Conversation

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 96-106 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andreu Casero-Ripollés ◽  
Josep-Lluís Micó-Sanz ◽  
Míriam Díez-Bosch
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Hate Speech ◽  
Geographical Location ◽  
Negotiation Process ◽  
Machine Learning Techniques ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Political Conversation ◽  
The Government

Social media has instituted new parameters for the political conversation in the digital public sphere. Previous research had identified several of these new phenomena: political polarisation, hate speech discourses, and fake news, among others. However, little attention has been paid to the users’ geographical location, specifically to the role location plays in political discussion on social media, and to its further implications in the digital public sphere. A priori, we might think that on the digital landscape geographical restrictions no longer condition political debate, allowing increasingly diverse users to participate in, and influence, the discussion. To analyse this, machine learning techniques were used to study Twitter’s political conversation about the negotiation process for the formation of the government in Spain that took place between 2015 and 2016. A big data sample of 127,3 million tweets associated with three Spanish cities (Madrid, Barcelona, and Valencia) was used. The results show that the geographical location of the users directly affects the political conversation on Twitter, despite the dissolution of the physical restrictions that the online environment favours. Demographics, cultural factors, and proximity to the centres of political power are factors conditioning the structure of digital political debate. These findings are a novel contribution to the design of more effective political campaigns and strategies, and provide a better understanding of the dynamics of the digital public sphere provided by Twitter.

W(h)ither the Human Rights of Indigenous Australians (From Wik to Wickedness?)

1998 ◽  
Vol 67 (4) ◽  
pp. 393-422 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Indigenous Rights ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Indigenous Australians ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Cultural Economic ◽  
Native Title ◽  
Recent Developments ◽  
The Government

AbstractThe international community is increasingly concerned with indigenous rights. The essence of the claims that international law seeks to accommodate involves the ability of indigenous people to make decisions about social, cultural, economic and environmental matters in their region. This paper looks at some aspects of the human rights of indigenous Australians from that perspective. It contains three interlocking sections. The first section outlines the background to the Australian High Court decision in Wik Peoples v. Queensland in which the majority of the Court said that aboriginal native title to land could co-exist with pastoral lease activity. The second part looks at the furore provoked by this decision, advancing arguments about the media and political treatment of the issue. Here we contend, doubtless rhetorically ourselves, that the Australian government has moved from Wik to Wickedness in dealing with this issue. The third part looks at recent developments and offers some conclusions as to where the legal resolution of native title to land in Australia might have emerged. In our conclusion we also consider the direction of the political and legal debate since the Australian Labor Party led by Paul Keating lost the 1996 election in a landslide, and the increasing narrowness of an economically conservative political agenda. Our overall theme, which stems directly from that, is the paucity of the political debate over Australian indigenous human rights. Rhetoric has abounded and could prompt many questions about the political debate in Australia over this issue, and the obligations of politicians. Law has formed a vital background to this: at time lauded, at times rejected vehemently by the Government.

The Hungarian Border Barrier and Islam

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 104-131 ◽  
Author(s):  
Norbert Pap ◽  
Viktor Glied
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Government Communication ◽  
Opposition Party ◽  
Muslim Countries ◽  
The Government ◽  
Economic Considerations ◽  
National Borders

The co-existence between Hungarians and Islam has been considered balanced, until the spring of 2015 when a wave of migrants appeared in Europe. “Opening to the East”, the foreign policy announced by the government in 2011 heralded a new chapter of cooperation with Arabic/Muslim countries, predominantly due to economic considerations. The migrant crisis turned government communication, as well as the stance of Jobbik, the largest opposition party, upside down. This paper discusses the unique phenomenon of what role the political debate about Islam and the construction of the temporary border barrier protecting the Hungarian national borders played in the competitive communication of the national-radical, pro-Muslim opposition Jobbik party (achieving a lead in the polls) and the centre-right governing parties Fidesz-kdnp which typically emphasise their Christian character.

Romania since the Revolution

1990 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 484-496 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Almond
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
The West ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
The North ◽  
Communist Revolution ◽  
Party Members ◽  
National Salvation ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Revolution

THE VIOLENCE WHICH MARKED THE OVERTHROW OF Nicolae Ceaugescu's regime at Christmas 1989, and the recurrent disorders, especially in Bucharest, which have punctuated developments over the last nine months, have made Romania's experience of anti-Communist revolution strikingly different from that of its neighbours to the north and to the west. Whatever the political and social tensions emerging in Hungary, Czechoslovakia and Poland (and whatever may be the GDR's legacy to a reunified Germany), it is unlikely that the charge of neo-communism will be central to their political debate. It is precisely that charge levelled against the government party (National Salvation Front/FSN) and against the person of Ion Ilescu by various opposition groups, and former prominent dissidents under Ceaugescu, which remains the most emotive issue in Romanian politics. The question of whether the revolution which overthrew Nicolae Ceauyescu and led to the dissolution of the Romanian Communist Party (RCP) was the result of a popular uprising or a coup d'état planned by Party members has haunted Romanian politics through the first nine months of the post-Ceauqescu period.

scholarly journals Rohingya’s Genocide: Human Rights and Politics

2018 ◽  
pp. 176-186
Author(s):  
Prachi Tomar ◽  
Aditya Pandey
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ethnic Cleansing ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Marriage And Family ◽  
Political Contention ◽  
Ethnic Tension ◽  
Exclusionary Policies ◽  
The Government ◽  
Human Rights Violation

The Rohingya’s most persecuted ethnic minority, practicing Sunni Islam, traces their origin from Arakan kingdom. The present democratic government of Myanmar and previous military junta have practiced ethnic cleansing and denies to grant citizenship to Rohingya’s making them stateless. There has been great violation against this ethnic group by the Myanmar government in one or the other way like restriction on freedom of movement religious choice, unemployment, education, marriage and family planning. On the contrary the present de facto leader of Myanmar has totally denied such ethnic cleansing and brushed away the criticism of her not handling the crisis. This paper tries to understand the dynamics and severity involved, the origin of the ethnic tension, the exclusionary policies of the government and also examines the abuse, discrimination and gross human rights violation of Rohingya Muslims which leads to the politicization of the issue and vice-versa i.e. how politicization of the issue leads to gross human rights violation. This paper further analyzes the pattern of violation, international politics and the political and economic interest vested which contributed to forced displacement in Myanmar not only of the Rohingya’s but other minorities like the Shan, the Kachin, the Karen and how this crisis has fi red up the political debate in the neighboring countries and has become a political contention and concludes with recommendation to be taken by the government and international organization to improve the situation of the minorities in Myanmar.

scholarly journals COVID-19 in Indonesia

2020 ◽  
pp. 65-74
Author(s):  
N.G. Rogozhina ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Medical Problem ◽  
Economic Consequences ◽  
The Political ◽  
Asian Countries ◽  
Rapid Spread ◽  
Coronavirus Infection ◽  
The Government ◽  
Southeast Asian Countries ◽  
Economic Risks

The article analyzes the political and socio-economic risks of the COVID-19 epidemic and the reasons for its rapid spread in Indonesia, which outstripped other Southeast Asian countries in terms of deaths from coronavirus infection. The author notes that the epidemiological crisis is not only a medical problem, but also affected the sphere of politics, causing an aggravation of the conflict of interests between the government and the provincial authorities by the nature of the measures taken to curb the spread of the epidemic. Its economic consequences will be a decrease in economic growth, an increase in the number of unemployed and deepening of the problem of inequality and poverty. Awareness of these economic risks determines the government strategy to combat COVID-19.

‘No’ Vote Contingency Planning for the UK’s 1975 Referendum

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-126
Author(s):  
Lindsay AQUI
Keyword(s):  
European Community ◽  
Economic Consequences ◽  
Contingency Planning ◽  
Economic Damage ◽  
The Political ◽  
Exit Strategy ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
Contingency Plan ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Uk

This article investigates the contingency plan developed by Harold Wilson’s Labour government for a ‘no’ vote in the UK’s 1975 referendum on European Community (EC) membership. The decision to prepare for the possibility of leaving the EC was seen as responsible, but the primary rationale for devising an EC exit strategy related to the severe political and economic damage that officials believed the UK would suffer if it withdrew from the Community. Officials emphasised the political consequences of a ‘no’ vote in part because the economic consequences were more difficult to predict and because of the rationale that underpinned the decision to join the EC in the first place. This was not easy to communicate in the politicised atmosphere caused by the divisions over the question of membership among Ministers. In the end, the key message of the contingency plan was that leaving the Community would weaken the UK and leave the government with few options except “Going it Alone”.

1MDB fund probe may trigger mass protests in Malaysia

2015 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Economic Life ◽  
Economic Consequences ◽  
The Political ◽  
Investment Fund ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Position ◽  
The Government ◽  
Auditor General

Subject The political and economic consequences of the 1Malaysia Development Berhad fund controversy. Significance Police raided 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB)'s offices yesterday under a wider investigation into allegations of mismanagement of the state-owned investment fund. Meanwhile, today the auditor general submitted a provisional report on the fund to the Public Accounts Committee.The 1MDB case is dominating Malaysian political and economic life, and undermining Prime Minister Najib Razak's political position. Further allegations against 1MDB, or popular perceptions that the government is insufficiently investigating criticisms of the fund, could trigger mass protests. Impacts Snap elections are unlikely. The 1MDB controversy will continue to erode investors' confidence in Malaysia. A future 1MDB default is possible without further credit support, posing risks for financial institutions linked to the fund.

scholarly journals Distribution of Power between the Centre and Provinces in Pakistan under the Constitution of 1973

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 01-10
Author(s):  
Sidra Akram ◽  
Dr. Muhammad Azhar
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Armed Force ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Conflicting Demands ◽  
The World ◽  
The Government ◽  
Distribution Of Power

Centre-Province relationship and the distribution of power between centre and provinces is a complex and multifaceted sort of administrative and political debate for all around the world including Pakistan. Pakistan is based on federation where power has been divided between the central government and their provinces. Pakistan, which is partitioned into four regions, those are performing overwhelming participation in the organization and armed force. The other three units have demonstrated their discontent over the portion of forces between the government and areas and raised their voice for more independence and political shields. This paper will analyze the concept of a federation which considered appropriate for varied political societies to promote coordination and cooperation in the political, social, administrative, and economic sphere. So that it gives the fragile balance to conflicting demands between the centre and their provinces. This paper will discuss the fact, that the constitution of 1973 provides the suitable structural arrangement in Pakistan for union and its unit, but could not alter the power mechanism of the centre. This paper will discuss the prevailing debate of the centre-province relationship and quantum of power-sharing among them

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