Government and Industry Relations in Cybersecurity

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-57
Author(s):  
Quinn Lanzendorfer

The existing domains of warfare are land, sea, air, space, and now cyberspace. Once President Obama addressed the public on the cybersecurity threat and Executive Order 13636 was issued, the government gained traction in creating policy and collaborating with industry to gain a better presence in the U.S. Industry owns, operates, and controls most of the critical infrastructure in the U.S. and is perceived to have better knowledge, skills, and abilities in cybersecurity operations and capabilities. This study seeks to fill a gap that currently exists in scholarly research in the areas of partnerships in cybersecurity. Using the innovative e-Delphi electronic method to collect qualitative and quantitative data from experts, this study explores the competency, expertise, and partnership aspects of the U.S. Government and industry relationship in cybersecurity organizations.

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-47
Author(s):  
Quinn Lanzendorfer

Government cybersecurity organizations have faced unique challenges in the last decade. With the release of Executive Order 13636 in 2013, an otherwise amorphous domain of warfare matured quickly and began to take shape in the areas of information sharing, industry relations, and various areas of management. This study seeks to fill a gap that currently exists in scholarly research in the areas of acquisition and program management in cybersecurity. Using the innovative e-Delphi electronic method to collect qualitative and quantitative data from experts, this study explores the contractual complexity, intellectual property, and risk management aspects of the U.S. Government and industry relationship in cybersecurity organizations.


1977 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 347-358 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adolf Sprudzs

Among the many old and new actors on the international stage of nations the United States is one of the most active and most important. The U.S. is a member of most existing intergovernmental organizations, participates in hundreds upon hundreds of international conferences and meetings every year and, in conducting her bilateral and multilateral relations with the other members of the community of nations, contributes very substantially to the development of contemporary international law. The Government of the United States has a policy of promptly informing the public about developments in its relations with other countries through a number of documentary publication, issued by the Department of State


Author(s):  
Toby C. Rider

This concluding chapter considers the scope of the U.S. Cold War propaganda efforts during the late 1950s. In many ways, the 1950s had set the stage for the remainder of the Cold War. The superpower sporting rivalry continued to elevate the political significance of athletic exchanges, track meets, and a range of other competitions and interactions between sportsmen and sportswomen from the East and the West. For the U.S. public, the Olympics were still the source of much debate as each festival arrived on its quadrennial orbit. Victory or defeat at the Olympics clearly remained important to the public and to the White House. Declassified documents also suggest that in the post-Eisenhower years the government was still deploying the Olympics in the service of psychological warfare.


2017 ◽  
Vol 80 (2) ◽  
pp. 119-134 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mariam F Alkazemi ◽  
Shahira Fahmy ◽  
Wayne Wanta

U.S. President Barack Obama's much-anticipated address in Egypt in 2009 promised a new beginning between the U.S. government and the Arab world but only a few years later there were many criticisms that the U.S. President did not live up to his promises, driving Arab attitudes toward the United States to their lowest point in years. Five years later, we analyzed Arabic-language twitter messages involving President Obama to examine cognitive and affective attributes. Results show that tweets by members of the media differed greatly from tweets by members of the public. The public tweets held more negative attitudes towards the U.S. President than tweets by news organizations. Members of the public also were more likely to link the President to a wider range of countries, suggesting a greater diversity of attributes, while primarily fixating on the Palestinian issue.


Author(s):  
F. Burdzhalov

The main weaknesses of the contemporary health care system in the USA are: dropping of a significant part of the population out of the health insurance system, lack of the efficient insurance business government regulation, and excessive spendings for health care, from the public viewpoint, as well as their growth rates. Understanding of these problems forces the U.S. authorities to reform this branch of economy. The Act signed by the President Obama foresees changes in basic health care structures. The complex of such changes reflects the essence of the reform conducted.


1977 ◽  
Vol 71 (3) ◽  
pp. 474-493 ◽  
Author(s):  
David A. Gantz

On September 22, 1976, the United States and the Government of Peru signed an agreement resolving the nationalization of the Marcona Mining Company’s Peruvian branch. The settlement, the intergovernmental negotiations leading up to it, and the expropriation itself are of more than passing interest. The settlement has been characterized by the U.S. Government as providing, when fully implemented, prompt, adequate, and effective compensation through a package—a combination of cash and long term sales relationship—which represents a relatively beneficial arrangement economically and politically for the Government of Peru. These arrangements were the more remarkable for having been concluded with a leading Third World country that has a long history of nationalization of foreign investment. In light of the frequency of expropriations of American-owned property abroad, and of the fact that in one or more ways such expropriations involve issues of the public interest as well as those of private U.S. companies, the Marcona settlement has implications for the handling of other investment disputes.


1993 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 571-592 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julie E. Kendall

Boiler plates, the chairman's message that begins each corporation's annual report, provide a reflection of the self-image of American big business. This paper uses the method of dramatism for discovering and interpreting corporate dramas inherent in the language of the boiler plates of the Dow Jones Industrials. The U.S. economy of the 1970s provides the dramatic setting, with the company as hero, the government as villain and public interest groups as minor players. The overriding corporate drama can be traced to the archetypal drama of pure competition. Understanding corporate dramas allows us to see how companies create a shared rhetorical vision to unify their shareholders with management and employees, label actions as good or evil, and influence the public by putting forward a positive corporate self-image.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (02) ◽  
pp. 35
Author(s):  
Erni Yuningsih ◽  
Dwi Gemina ◽  
Sri Harini

The public culinary stalls (PKL) are an informal economic sector that have been evolving in big cities especially in Bogor. The Government is obliged to manage and arrange the public culinary stalls in order not to disturb the society, lay-out of the city, and public order. Public Cullinary Stalls have been increasing the society economics and supporting the government relating to jobs opportunities. This research aims to discover: 1) the profile of public culinary stalls 2) a simultaneous effects of the aspects of economics, social, environment, lay-out of the city and public order aspects upon PKL performances, and 3) a partial effects of the aspects of economics, social, environment, lay-out of the city and public order upon PKL performance The research has been applying a qualitative and quantitative approach. Data collection has been obtained through the questionnaires distribution, the observation and depth interview. The research has determined that the economics, society, environment, lay-out of the city an, public order factors have been affecting simultaneously and partially the performance of PKL.


2006 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 229-247 ◽  
Author(s):  
John McCarthy ◽  
Clark McPhail

Protest events occur in historical time and geographical place. In the U.S., some places are now constitutionally privileged with respect to citizen access and free assembly and speech. These venues are known as the traditional commons or the public forum. It is our contention that in recent years (1) these spaces have been shrinking in number, (2) citizens have experienced increasing difficulty in gaining unrestricted access to them, and (3) such venues are no longer where most people typically congregate in large numbers. Nevertheless, as we will show, when citizens gather to express dissenting views toward the government at the turn of the twentieth century they overwhelmingly choose spaces in the public forum to do so.


Author(s):  
Daniel C. Levy

When a well-bred Yale alumnus like William F. Buckley, Jr., sardonically suggests that his alma mater donate itself to the state of Connecticut (“To tell the truth, I don’t know that anything much would happen.”), some conventional assumptions require reexamination. Chief among these is the much ballyhooed distinction between “private” and “public.” Analysis reveals serious ambiguities. We lack an agreed-upon notion of what defines our types. Different observers define the private-public split by different criteria. In fact, criteria are usually implicit and fuzzy, but even when they are explicit and clear, they vary. What defines a private institution for one observer does not do so for another. And the problem goes beyond this definitional conflict. As will be shown at least for higher education, no behavioral criterion or set of criteria consistently distinguishes institutions legally designated private from institutions legally designated public. Surely this volume’s chapters, on both schools and universities, arrive at no such criteria; instead, as discussed below, several provide evidence of increasing private-public blurring. In a desperate attempt to reassert its distinctiveness, the U.S. private higher-education sector has recently rebaptized itself “the independent sector.” The new nomenclature, while it brings private higher education under a terminological umbrella widely used by the U.S. nonprofit world, contributes nothing to definitional clarity. It is simultaneously intended to legitimize the private sector’s claim to the public dollar (by downplaying privateness) and yet to distinguish that sector from the public sector by emphasizing its autonomy from government. The first aim, of course, undermines the second. Looking abroad seems to frustrate yearnings for clear definitional usage. England, for example, long noted for its paradoxical labeling of private and public secondary education, offers an ambiguous picture at higher levels as well. All the universities, even those financed over 90% by the government, form what is still frequently called the autonomous or private sector, distinct not from public universities but from the technical sector of higher education (which is consensually considered public). Increasingly, however, one hears England’s universities identified as public.


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