scholarly journals Villas in the "Underground"

2014 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 55-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kateřina Riedlová ◽  
Věra Kubicová

The political changes of 1948 brought, among other things, a significant shift in the housing policy. Focus was no longer on living in detached family houses or urban villas so popular prior to 1948. On the other hand, we can also find architecturally great villa like family houses designed by professional architects. However, construction of these houses was not far from being illegal since everything was done secretly without the slightest possibility of being presented within the professional circles or the public. The investors recruited mainly from social and cultural groups of famous people with original ideas, were not acceptable to the ruling party. Let us name a few: the villa of the famous film director Věra Chytilová in Trója, Prague (1975), Emil Přikryl`s villa; or three villas from the 1950s: Miroslav Zikmund`s (1954), Jiří Hanzelka`s (1956) and Zdeněk Liška`s (1959), designed by Zdeněk Plesník in Zlín. The most remarkable realization of family houses, so different from other contemporary designs, was the one by Ivan Ruller in Brno. Thanks to the used materials, Ruller`s houses have the capacity to age in a natural in way, without losing any of the powerful touches of modernity. In 1968, Ruller`s type of villa was designed for example for Petráček, the director of Chemoprojekt. Its construction was inspired largely by the trend in architecture “new brutalism”. Some of other Ruller`s villas can be found in Ivanovice (1976) and Mokrá Hora (1979). Architect Josef Němec`s own villa (1976) as well as Růžena Žertová`s atrium family house (1981) are just other examples of high-quality houses from and around Brno.

Author(s):  
Elena V. Kamneva ◽  
Nikolai S. Prjazhnikov ◽  
Elizaveta V. Babanova ◽  
Svetlana M. Buyanova

Responsibility is understood as altruistic activity based on awareness of the consequences of one's activities. The article justifies the forced need to imitate responsibility, when an employee is required to have activities contrary to his professional conscience and common sense. Contradictions related to different understandings of “good” work (honest, high-quality, socially oriented) by different subjects of labor relations, including the employee and the bearers of policy prescriptions (leadership, colleagues, members of the public etc.) are analyzed. It proposes a model of predicting possible imitations of personal and professional responsibility, based on the reflection of these contradictions. In the case of creative work (science, education, culture etc.), under strong bureaucratic pressure of various policy prescriptions, the ideas of the development of “parallel” science are proposed, when, on the one hand, it is necessary to imitate a certain activity (ostentatious “workholism”), and on the other hand, to find opportunities for real creativity.


2001 ◽  
Vol 31 (123) ◽  
pp. 269-284
Author(s):  
Arne Heise

The public budget has always been a much debated object at the political level as well as in academia. This is not surprising as it mirrors the political intentions and ideologies of those running the government on the one hand and taking into account that economics is a multiparadigmatic science on the other hand. Against this backcloth, the current unambiguity of budgetary restriction in recent political and scientific debates seems curious. The paper aims at explaining this development and questions its validity by framing a concept of budgetary sustainability on the grounds of a heterodox, post Keynesian model.


2016 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 9-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ulrika Mårtensson

This article seeks to define al-Ṭabarī’s concept of the Qur'an by exploring the systemic nature of al-Ṭabarī’s whole scholarly oeuvre, with reference to the political and scholarly context of debates between rationalism and traditionalism, and the development of uṣūl al-fiqh. Drawing on recent research on uṣūl al-fiqh (Vishanoff 2011) and al-Ṭabarī’s own madhhab (Stewart 2004; 2013), it is argued that al-Ṭabarī on the one hand politically agreed with the traditionalist camp regarding the need for written and publicly accessible law, and on the other hand developed his own independent legal methodology and dogma. Because of his basic agreement with traditionalism at the legal-political level, he also aligned with the traditionalist doctrine of the uncreated Qur'an, against the rationalist doctrine of the created Qur'an. Finally, it is demonstrated that al-Ṭabarī defined the uncreated Qur'an's nature in terms of rhetoric, including both grammatical-syntactic and deliberative dimensions. The significance he attributed to rhetoric through the Qur'an is reflected in his legal, exegetical, and ḥadīth methods as well as in his historical writing. Ultimately, al-Ṭabarī’s whole oeuvre was composed to persuade the public about the political need for a written and publicly accessible legal canon.


Klio ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 102 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-201
Author(s):  
Frederik Juliaan Vervaet

SummaryWhereas many aspects of the Augustan age continue to enjoy ongoing or renewed interest, the early careers of Tiberius Claudius Nero (born 16 November 42 BCE) and Nero Claudius Drusus (March/April 38 BCE), Livia’s sons from her marriage to Ti. Claudius Nero (pr. 42), have not been subject to much discussion or controversy of late. On the one hand, this could, perhaps, be explained in that they were quite young during the formative stages of the so-called Augustan monarchy, the critical settlements being those of 27, 23 and 19 BCE, the eye-catchers par excellence in the political history of the early Augustan era. On the other hand, Livia’s sons only really emerge into the spotlight of both ancient sources and modern scholarship after the untimely passing of M. Vipsanius Agrippa in 12 BCE. This paper aims at revisiting the evidence for Tiberius’ and Drusus’ careers in the decade or so before the latter’s premature death in Germany in 9 BCE, the period preceding the rapid rise (and demise) of Gaius and Lucius Caesar. There are, indeed, strong indications that Livia’s sons played a far more important part than has hitherto been recognized, both in terms of their official position and their role in assisting Augustus with one of his most important political objectives, namely the imperial monopolization of the public triumph.


2005 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 69-84 ◽  
Author(s):  
Svetlana Pasti

Abstract The article describes the transformation of contemporary Russian media in the dual framework of common trends initiated and set to a great extent from the centre of power in Moscow, on the one hand, and specifics pertaining in the regions, on the other. As common trends characterising the post-Soviet society and media we note capitalization, westernization, commercialization and corruption. Their specific character was formed by the political and economic conditions pertaining in St. Petersburg from the end of the 1990s to the beginning the 2000s. The article is based on an empirical study of St. Petersburg media conducted 1998-2001. The data consist of pilot interviews with eleven experts in 1998, in-depth interviews with thirty journalists in the editorial offices of the eight basic media in 1999, and a survey of eleven experts in 2001. Asking in what ways the common trends dovetail into the local context, the article describes the conditions for journalism and its emerging characteristics. On the one hand, the study reveals crucial changes after the decade of reforms, such as the intensive development of informational and advertising services in society and commercialization of media and journalist’s labour. On the other hand, the study notes the forces of continuity deriving from the fact that the media and journalists formerly served the interests of the political and economic groups rather than the interests of the public.


Author(s):  
Mauricio Ortigosa Hernández

This study contributes to the field of political marketing through the use of instruments based on the Theory of Forgotten Effects. According to this theory, when individuals attribute value to the incidences or connections between two sets of entities, with one set acting as the cause and the other as effect, intervening elements sometimes remain hidden, thus resulting in forgotten effects. To demonstrate the above, a group of citizens from the western Mexico City Metropolitan Area including the townships of Huixquilucan de Degollado and Naucalpan de Juárez in the State of Mexico were asked to determine the incidences between two sets of entities: on the one hand, issues from Mexico’s public agenda, and, on the other, the political attitudes of citizens. The interviews were collected shortly before the 2018 campaign for the presidency and other popularly elected offices began. The results show that the citizens did not identify several elements that are interpolated as forgotten effects between the two entities mentioned above, such as corruption, the economy, and trust in government leaders, among others.


1992 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 513-534 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Stark

AbstractRecently, students of public policy making in North America have added the analysis of “political discourse” to the tools of their trade. According to the “political discourse” school, the extent to which policy ideas gain acceptability cannot always be explained rationally in terms of their logical or empirical validity, nor instrumentally in terms of the interests they serve. Often, their careers must be accounted for, at least in part, by a detailed exploration of their ideological assumptions and appeal, and their rhetorical structure and persuasiveness. Despite its many plausible and promising features, this type of analysis has, to date, rarely been performed in specific instances of policy discourse. The author presents a “political-discourse” analysis of the 1985–1988 debate over Canada's Bill C-82, “An Act Respecting the Registration of Lobbyists.” That debate brought together some of Canada's most factually informed and instrumentally motivated policy actors. Nevertheless, the participants uniformly based their arguments on broad assumptions unsubstantiated by empirical analysis, and advanced those arguments in the rhetoric of the public good and democratic theory. The author concludes that underlying the two basic positions taken in debate over C-82—support for a regime of substantial disclosure of lobbying activity on the one hand, and opposition to disclosure on the other—were two competing sets of assumptions concerning the nature and workings of the faculties of reason and perception in politics.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 240
Author(s):  
Syaiful Arif

ABSTRACT: Religious radicalism (Islam) developed the theological thought to counter-Pancasila and the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI), it can be fought and softened with Pancasila itself. This is due to the fact that the cause of such radicalism is a misunderstanding to the Pancasila and its political system. Pancasila is regarded as a secular political ideology, whereas it actually cared pattern for the relationship between religion and state that upholds the values of divinity on the one side, and the public virtue on the other side. Deradizalisation of religion based on Pancasila can be applied with two strategies. First, proving the existence of religious dimension of Pancasila and Republic of Indonesia to undermine the secular claims from the radical groups. Second, learning the nature of politics which contained in Pancasila. These nature of politics are more in line with the political ideals of Islam, rather than the ideology of Islamism which tends to the violent. KEYWORDS: Islam, radicalism, deradicalization, Pancasila.


APRIA Journal ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-16
Author(s):  
José Teunissen

In the last few years, it has often been said that the current fashion system is outdated, still operating by a twentieth-century model that celebrates the individualism of the 'star designer'. In I- D, Sarah Mower recently stated that for the last twenty years, fashion has been at a cocktail party and has completely lost any connection with the public and daily life. On the one hand, designers and big brands experience the enormous pressure to produce new collections at an ever higher pace, leaving less room for reflection, contemplation, and innovation. On the other hand, there is the continuous race to produce at even lower costs and implement more rapid life cycles, resulting in disastrous consequences for society and the environment.


Author(s):  
Nicolas Wiater

This chapter examines the ambivalent image of Classical Athens in Dionysius of Halicarnassus’ Roman Antiquities. This image reflects a deep-seated ambiguity of Dionysius’ Classicist ideology: on the one hand, there is no question for Dionysius that Athenocentric Hellenicity failed, and that the Roman empire has superseded Athens’ role once and for all as the political and cultural centre of the oikoumene. On the other, Dionysius accepted Rome’s supremacy as legitimate partly because he believed (and wanted his readers to believe) her to be the legitimate heir of Classical Athens and Classical Athenian civic ideology. As a result, Dionysius develops a new model of Hellenicity for Roman Greeks loyal to the new political and cultural centre of Rome. This new model of Greek identity incorporates and builds on Classical Athenian ideals, institutions, and culture, but also supersedes them.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document