scholarly journals Liturgy and non-colonial thinking: Speaking to and about God beyond ideology, religion and identity politics – Towards non-religion and a unbearable freedom in Christ

2021 ◽  
Vol 77 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Johann-Albrecht Meylahn

It has been argued that most countries that had been exposed to European colonialism have inherited a Western Christianity thanks to the mission societies from Europe and North America. In such colonial and post-colonial (countries where the political administration is no longer in European hands, but the effects of colonialism are still in place) contexts, together with Western contexts facing the ever-growing impact of migrants coming from the previous colonies, there is a need to reflect on the possibility of what a non-colonial liturgy, rather than a decolonial or postcolonial liturgy, would look like. For many, postcolonial or decolonial liturgies are those that specifically create spaces for the voice of a particular identified other. The other is identified and categorised as a particular voice from the margins, or a specific voice from the borders, or the voices of particular identified previously silenced voices from, for example, the indigenous backyards. A question that this context raises is as follows: Is consciously creating such social justice spaces – that is determined spaces by identifying particular voices that someone or a specific group decides to need to be heard and even making these particular voiceless (previously voiceless) voices central to any worship experience – really that different to the colonial liturgies of the past? To give voice to another voice, is maybe only a change of voice, which certainly has tremendous historical value, but is it truly a transformation? Such a determined ethical space is certainly a step towards greater multiculturalism and can therefore be interpreted as a celebration of greater diversity and inclusivity in the dominant ontology. Yet, this ontology remains policed, either by the state-maintaining police or by the moral (social justice) police.Contribution: In this article, a non-colonial liturgy will be sought that goes beyond the binary of the dominant voice and the voice of the other, as the voice of the other too often becomes the voice of a particular identified and thus determined victim – in other words, beyond the binary of master and slave, perpetrator and victim, good and evil, and justice and injustice, as these binaries hardly ever bring about transformation, but only a change in the face of master and the face of the slave, yet remaining in the same policed ontology.

2011 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 265-291
Author(s):  
Manuel A. Vasquez ◽  
Anna L. Peterson

In this article, we explore the debates surrounding the proposed canonization of Archbishop Oscar Romero, an outspoken defender of human rights and the poor during the civil war in El Salvador, who was assassinated in March 1980 by paramilitary death squads while saying Mass. More specifically, we examine the tension between, on the one hand, local and popular understandings of Romero’s life and legacy and, on the other hand, transnational and institutional interpretations. We argue that the reluctance of the Vatican to advance Romero’s canonization process has to do with the need to domesticate and “privatize” his image. This depoliticization of Romero’s work and teachings is a part of a larger agenda of neo-Romanization, an attempt by the Holy See to redeploy a post-colonial and transnational Catholic regime in the face of the crisis of modernity and the advent of postmodern relativism. This redeployment is based on the control of local religious expressions, particularly those that advocate for a more participatory church, which have proliferated with contemporary globalization


2020 ◽  
Vol 72 (4) ◽  
pp. 41-57
Author(s):  
Marek Menkiszak

In the face of a new serious crisis in Europe caused by the coronavirus pandemic, Russia has taken an ambiguous position. On the one hand, it was spreading fake news and, on the other hand, it was providing Italy with symbolic support. Russia’s immediate goal was to persuade the European Union (EU) to reduce or lift sanctions. The new situation provides a new argument to those participants of the European debate who are in favour of normalisation and even reset of relations with Russia. Among them, the voice of France is particularly clear since its President Emanuel Macron has taken up the initiative to build the ‘architecture of trust and security’ with Russia. These proposals, which are now quite vague, are based on questionable  assumptions and deepen divisions in Europe and the crisis in transatlantic relations. By rising Moscow’s hopes for some form of (geo)political bargain, they in fact encourage Russia to continue its aggressive policy towards its European neighbours. An alternative approach based on several principles is needed in the debate on EU policy towards Russia: developing all five Mogherini’s points; maintaining sanctions against Russia until the reasons for their introduction cease to exist; symmetry of commitments and benefits related to limited cooperation with Russia; inviolability of key interests, security and sovereignty of EU and NATO member and partner states; and balancing the dialogue with the Russian authorities by supporting Russian civil society. Europe can survive without Russia but Russia cannot survive without Europe, which is why European policy needs consistency and strategic patience.


M/C Journal ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Heather Wolffram

The 'scholarly striptease', particularly as it is manifested in the United States, has attracted an increasing number of participants during the past decade. Unbeknownst to many, some academics have been getting their gear off in public; that is, publicly and provocatively showcasing their identities in order to promote their politics. While you might imagine that confessions about sexual orientation, ethnicity and pet hates could only serve to undermine academic authority, some American feminists -- and a small number of their male colleagues -- have nevertheless attempted to enhance their authority with such racy revelations. Nancy Miller's admission of a strained relationship with her father (Miller 143-147), or Jane Gallop's homage to the three 36-year-old men she had affairs with (Gallop 41), might make interesting reading for the academic voyeur (or the psychoanalyst), but what is their purpose beyond spectacle? The cynic might argue that self-promotion and intellectual celebrity or notoriety are the motivators -- and certainly he or she would have a point -- but within such performances of identity, and the metacriticism that clings to them, other reasons are cited. Apparently it is all to do with identity politics, that is, the use of your personal experience as the basis of your political stance. But while experience and the personal (remember "the personal is the political"?) have been important categories in feminist writing, the identity of the intellectual in academic discourse has traditionally been masked by a requisite objectivity. In a very real sense the foregrounding of academic identity by American feminists and those other brave souls who see fit to expose themselves, is a rejection of objectivity as the basis of intellectual authority. In the past, and also contemporaneously, intellectuals have gained and retained authority by subsuming their identity and their biases, and assuming an "objective" position. This new bid for authority, on the other hand, is based on a revelation of identity and biases. An example is Adrienne Rich's confession: "I have been for ten years a very public and visible lesbian. I have been identified as a lesbian in print both by myself and others" (Rich 199). This admission, which is not without risk, reveals possible biases and blindspots, but also allows Rich to speak with an authority which is grounded in experience of, and knowledge about lesbianism. Beyond the epistemological rejection of objectivity there appear to be other reasons for exposing one's "I", and its particular foibles, in scholarly writing. Some of these reasons may be considered a little more altruistic than others. For example, some intellectuals have used this practice, also known as "the personal mode", in a radical attempt to mark their culturally or critically marginal subjectivities. By straddling their vantage points within the marginalised subjectivity with which they identify, and their position in academia, these people can make visible the inequities they, and others like them, experience. Such performances are instances of both identity politics at work and the intellectual as activist. On the other hand, while this politically motivated use of "the personal mode" clearly has merit, cultural critics such as Elspeth Probyn have reminded us that in some cases the risks entailed by self-exposition are minimal (141), and that the discursive striptease is often little more than a vehicle for self-promotion. Certainly there is something of the tabloid in some of this writing, and even a tentative linking of the concepts of "academic" and "celebrity" -- Camille Paglia being the obvious example. While Paglia is among the few academics who are public celebrities, there are plenty of intellectuals who are famous within the academic community. It is often these people who can expose aspects of their identity without risking tenure, and it is often these same individuals who choose to confess what they had for breakfast, rather than their links with or concerns for something like a minority. For some, the advent of "the personal mode" particularly when it appears to contain a bid for academic or public fame signifies the denigration of academic discourse, its slow decline into journalistic gossip and ruin. For others, it is a truly political act allowing the participant to combine their roles as intellectual and activist. For me, it is a critical practice that fascinates and demands consideration in all its incarnations: as a bid for a new basis for academic authority, as a political act, and as a vehicle for self-promotion and fame. References Gallop, Jane. Thinking through the Body. New York: Columbia University Press, 1988. Miller, Nancy K. Getting Personal: Feminist Occasions and Other Autobiographical Acts. New York: Routledge, 1991. Probyn, Elspeth. Sexing the Self: Gendered Positions in Cultural Studies. London: Routledge, 1993. Rich, Adrienne. Blood, Bread and Poetry: Selected Prose 1979-1985. New York: W.W Norton, 1986. Citation reference for this article MLA style: Heather Wolffram. "'The Full Monty': Academics, Identity and the 'Personal Mode'." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 1.3 (1998). [your date of access] <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9810/full.php>. Chicago style: Heather Wolffram, "'The Full Monty': Academics, Identity and the 'Personal Mode'," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 1, no. 3 (1998), <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9810/full.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: Heather Wolffram. (1998) 'The full monty': academics, identity and the 'personal mode'. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 1(3). <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9810/full.php> ([your date of access])


1980 ◽  
Vol 162 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-66 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael W. Apple

Many analyses of the hidden curriculum have been strongly influenced by correspondence theories, theories which posit a mirror image relationship between the norms and values taught in school and those “required” in the economy. Correspondence theories, however, often miss the elements of resistence, contradiction, and relative autonomy that occur in schools and in the workplace. Studies of the work culture document the past and continued existence of such elements, elements which mediate and can provide the potential for transforming the pressures for social reproduction. We must be very careful of romanticizing such resistance, however, for the terms are often set by owners, not workers. The existence of resistence and contradiction is important, though, since it provides for the possibility of educational action in the face of the power of the hidden curriculum.


2010 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 10-13 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dinesh Bhugra ◽  
Susham Gupta

SummaryThe principles of primacy of patient welfare, patient autonomy and social justice are fundamental to medical and psychiatric professionalism. Medical professionalism is also about encouraging and celebrating good practice. As a set of values and behaviours on the one hand, and relationships with patients, carers and other stakeholders on the other, the implicit contract between psychiatry and society needs to be renegotiated regularly. Serious threats to medical professionalism in the past 30 years have led to the demoralisation of professionals. Learned helplessness and a perceived loss of autonomy have been recognised as important factors in the ‘loss’ of professionalism. Psychiatry as a profession needs to identify its core attributes, skills and competencies. Professionalism should allow individuals to set and maintain their own standards of care.


2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 45-56
Author(s):  
Therese Jennissen ◽  
Colleen Lundy

INTRODUCTION: Many challenges that confront social workers today are similar to problems they have faced over the past century – inequality, poverty, unemployment, militarisation and armed conflict, and the challenges of refugee resettlement, to name a few. It is instructive for contemporary social workers to revisit this history and to determine if there are lessons to inform our current struggles.METHOD: This paper explores the issues faced and strategies employed by radical, politically active social workers, most of them women. These social workers had visions of social justice and were not afraid to challenge the status quo, often at very high personal costs. The radical social workers were expressly interested in social change that centred on social justice, women’s rights, anti-racism, international peace, and they worked in close alliance and solidarity with other progressive groups.CONCLUSIONS: This article highlights the work of five radical female social workers. Radical social workers were in the minority but they were extraordinarily active and made important contributions in the face of formidable challenges.


Facing West ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 295-305
Author(s):  
David R. Swartz

This conclusion evaluates the prospects of the global reflex going forward. On one hand, some global voices have bolstered Christian Americanism. Westerners have used Christians from the Global South to maintain established views and practices, and populists have resisted cosmopolitan trends. On the other hand, declining Western church attendance, rapid growth in the Majority World, immigration patterns, and flourishing theological work from the East and South suggest persistent influence on a range of issues such as race, missiology, social justice, sexuality, and spirituality. If moderate wings—such as Christians of color, Majority World immigrants, and younger churchgoers—choose to identify as evangelical, they represent the future more than practitioners of Christian Americanism who wax nostalgic for the past. Whatever the case, this book calls for global narrations of evangelicalism that include nonwhite voices engaged in both mutuality and resistance.


2011 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 147-158 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rasa Čepaitienė

The article deals with several problematical units concerned with commercialization of the past in the postindustrial, postmodern consumer societies. Primarily, the process of the commercialization of urban centres – especially old historical cities and their images – is analysed in the context of contemporary global culture economics; also, questions regarding forms and shapes this process assumes are raised. Secondly, the consideration regarding the meaning of this process is given, in other words, what is it telling about the condition of our society and attitudes towards the past? Undoubtedly, an adequate assessment of the knowledge of socio-economic tendencies, which have to cope with cities influenced by neoliberalism, is very important and relevant to post-colonial and post-communist countries, which, like Lithuania, are still seeking for their identity in the face of economical and cultural globalization challenges. Santrauka Straipsnyje siekiama panagrinėti keletą su praeities suprekinimu susijusių probleminių blokų postindustrinėse, postmoderniose vartotojiškose visuomenėse. Pirma, analizuojama, kaip šiuolaikinės globaliosios kultūros ekonomikos kontekste vyksta urbanistinių centrų ir ypač senųjų istorinių miestų bei jų įvaizdžių komercializacijos procesas, kokias formas bei pavidalus jis įgauna. Ir, antra, svarstoma, ką tai galėtų reikšti, kitaip tariant, ką tai sako apie pačią mūsų visuomenės būklę ir požiūrį į praeitį. Neabejojama, kad adekvatus socioekonominių tendencijų, su kuriomis susiduria neoliberalizmo veikiami miestai, pažinimas yra itin aktualus pokolonijinių ir pokomunistinių šalių visuomenėms, kurios, kaip kad Lietuva, vis dar ieško savojo tapatumo susidurdamos su ekonominės ir kultūrinės globalizacijos iššūkiais.


2002 ◽  
Vol 96 (1) ◽  
pp. 182-183
Author(s):  
David Boucher

This book is part of a much larger collaborative project devoted to “Otherness, Identity, and Politics.” It explores an aspect of identity theory, about which the author makes two uncontentious claims: first, that identity is socially and politically constituted and, second, that identity politics predate 1989. By delimiting a theme in Western political thought and history that constructs the “I” and the “thou” in terms of good and evil, the book identifies and delimits a tendency to portray the Other as an enemy, evil incarnate, and dehumanized by a combination of religious and political ideas. The tradition of understanding the Self and the Other as the vehicles of good and evil is reproduced in thought, speech, and action and constitutes a continuous tradition from ancient Iranian Zoroastrianism, through Judaism, Christianity, and Islam.


2006 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 247-273
Author(s):  
Di Wang

AbstractThis article reveals that teahouses were the scene of a variety of conflicts, from verbal disputes and petty thefts to violence and murder. The author argues that the teahouse, although mainly a place for leisure, business and public life, also became an arena for struggle for livelihood. The teahouse was a microcosm of Chengdu, and anything undertaken there reflected the larger society. Conflicts in the teahouse to a large extent reflected current social issues. Fights broke out when people found it difficult to solve their problems, to make a living and to survive, or when they were anxious or unhappy in the face of injustice, the deteriorating economy, hunger, insecurity and war. On the other hand, conflicts also arose from the abuse of power and privilege and the tyrannical response to social turmoil by thugs, soldiers and outlaws. We can see such unfortunate periods during the first half of the twentieth century. The author also tries to point out that the teahouse functioned as a stage where all kinds of people performed roles that were both good and evil, but all became part of teahouse culture and teahouse life.


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