scholarly journals Interpretations of the Chinese Boxer Rebellion in the Slovenian Press at the Beginning of the 20th Century

Asian Studies ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 35-49
Author(s):  
Uroš LIPUŠČEK

This essay deals with the Slovene reaction to the military intervention of eight coalition forces in China during the Boxer Rebellion in China in 1900. To Slovenes, China was then seen as a faraway land that had been visited by some Slovene missionaries, noblemen and travellers throughout the past centuries. Nevertheless, much interest was expressed by the Slovene public and press in the events surrounding the Boxer Rebellion. Despite the fact that the Austro-Hungarian military was part of the international coalition that intervened in Chinese internal affairs, the leading Slovene newspapers of the period supported the right of the Chinese people to defend their country against the big powers of the time, who tried to dismember China and enforce the regime of capitulation.  

2021 ◽  
Vol 201 (3) ◽  
pp. 534-545
Author(s):  
Janusz Zuziak

Lviv occupies a special place in the history of Poland. With its heroic history, it has earned the exceptionally honorable name of a city that has always been faithful to the homeland. SEMPER FIDELIS – always faithful. Marshal Józef Piłsudski sealed that title while decorating the city with the Order of Virtuti Militari in 1920. The past of Lviv, the always smoldering and uncompromising Polish revolutionist spirit, the climate, and the atmosphere that prevailed in it created the right conditions for making it the center of thought and independence movement in the early 20th century. In the early twentieth century, Polish independence organizations of various political orientations were established, from the ranks of which came legions of prominent Polish politicians and military and social activists.


1972 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 634-637 ◽  
Author(s):  
John D. Chick

In his recent article on ‘The Uganda Coup – class action by the military’ in this Journal, x, 1, May 1972, Dr Michael F. Lofchie points to two apparent paradoxes in the military takeover: Why did the army move against a regime to which it had previously been loyal? And why, in doing so, did it ally itself with the Ganda ‘civil service and coffee growing elite’ towards which it had shown nothing but hostility in the past? The only adequate explanation, we are told, is that these privileged groups were drawn together by a determination to defend their status against the threat implicit in President Obote's commitment to socialism. Confronted by egalitarian pressures they discovered a basis for common action in a class interest which transcended tribal rivalries.


Al-Qalam ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 81
Author(s):  
Asliah Zainal

<p align="center"><strong>Abstrak</strong></p><p>Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menelusuri akar-akar demokratisasi dalam kerajaam Muna di masa lampau yang dibatasi pada kurun abad ke-16 sampai dengan abad ke-20 M. Dengan perspektif antropologi-historis, studi ini memotret implikasi nilai-nilai demokratisasi di kerajaan Muna pada sistem pemerintahan dan sistem kemasyarakatan yang dipengaruhi secara signifikan oleh nilai-nilai Islam. Nilai-nilai demokratisasi dalam tata kelola pemerintahan dapat ditelusuri pada perangkat-perangkat kerajaan di Muna dibentuk sebagai alat legitimasi sekaligus kontrol bagi sistem pemerintahan, seorang raja tidak harus dari keturunan langsung raja (<em>kaomu</em>); c) Seorang raja bukanlah penguasa absolut, sehingga ia dapat dihukum jika melanggar sumpahnya. Sementara itu, dalam tata kelola kemasyarakatan dapat dirujuk pada sistem pembagian golongan berdasarkan pada fungsi dan tanggung jawabnya, pola hidup sang raja mencerminkan filosofi bangunan <em>kamali</em> (istana) yang ditempatinya, tanpa perbedaan jenis kelamin dimana setiap orang memiliki kesempatan dan hak yang sama untuk menjadi pemimpin. Dalam konteks sekarang, fakta ini bisa menjadi pelajaran dalam mengatur tata pemerintahan berdasarkan demokrasi yang menjunjung tinggi hak yang sama atas semua rakyat secara adil dan egaliter yang bersumber dari nilai-nilai kultur, sosial, religius masyarakat Indonesia.</p><p><strong>Kata Kunci: Demokrasi, kerajaan tradisional, Islam, politik dinasti.</strong></p><p align="center"><strong>ABSTRACT</strong></p><p>This paper attempted to analyzes the roots of democracy in the kingdom of Muna were limited 16<strong><sup>th</sup></strong><strong></strong>-20th century AD. By using anthropology-historical perspective, this paper will capture the implications of democracy in the kingdom of Muna significantly affected by Islamic values in governance and social system. Democratization in governance can be traced on formed Kingdom base on legitimacy as well as political control; there was not automatic king for the descendant (<em>kaomu</em>); none an absolute ruler. Meanwhile, in social system it can be referred to division of roles accordance with functions and responsibilities; the pattern of king’s life was reflected in palace construction (<em>kamali</em>); regardless of sex that possess the same rights and opportunities. In nowdays context, it could be a lesson to manage governance based on democracy that upholds the right and obligation for all people in justice and egalitarian which was in fact derived from Indonesian culture, social, and religious values.</p><p><strong>Keynote: Democracy, traditional kingdom, Islam, political dynasty.</strong></p><p> </p><strong><br clear="all" /> </strong>


2019 ◽  
Vol IV (II) ◽  
pp. 92-104
Author(s):  
Ayaz Ali Shah ◽  
Shaukat ◽  
Hina Malik

This paper discusses why military intervention takes place in developing democracies by taking Pakistan as a case study with a focus on theoretical intricacies. There may be different theoretical explanations as to why the military imposes martial laws and takes the affairs of the state into their own hands. It discusses Samuel P. Huntington's Professionalism, Michael Desch's Structural Theory, based on internal and external threats and other theories of military takeover but what is found in the context of Pakistan but found Samuel Edward Finer's Disposition and Opportunity theory of military takeover more suitable. It suggests that the military in developing democracies where it has historically imposed martial laws is always ready to take over the country but wait for the right opportunity to come. And when the opportunity is presented in the shape of poor governance on the part of civilian leadership, the army makes a comeback and takes over the country.


2021 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-28
Author(s):  
Iveta Nakládalová

This study focuses on a description of the Boxer Rebellion in Beijing, in the first months of 1901, written by E. S. Vraz during his second journey to China. Enrique Stanko Vraz (1860–1932) was a Czech naturalist and explorer, renowned for his travels to Africa, Latin America, and Asia, which he depicted in a series of books addressed to a broader public. His travelogue on Beijing during the Boxer Rebellion is particularly engaging, since it shows the country in the midst of great turmoil and chaos, just after the uprising had reached its climax. It is also extremely interesting from the ethnographical and anthropological perspective, because Vraz not only comments on the activities of the allied forces in China, but he also describes the Chinese people, their customs, Chinese culture and society, and in doing so develops an interpretation of the kingdom, governed by the dichotomy between ‘civilization’ and modernity, on one hand, and ‘barbarism’ and obscurantism, on the other. Vraz’s narrative therefore seems to be inexorably bound to an ethnocentric paradigm, so characteristic of travel writing at the beginning of the 20th century. I argue, however, that this statement is oversimplifying, and that Vraz’s text is self-aware of these antagonisms and therefore defies any straightforward reading.


Ratio Juris ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (32) ◽  
pp. 17-50
Author(s):  
José Fernando Valencia Grajales ◽  
Mayda Soraya Marín Galeano ◽  
Juan Carlos Beltrán López

Since the time of independence, the military has permeated politics by controlling the most important positions of the respective Latin American governments, these influences have caused a series of direct influences on the political, economic, cultural and social conception of the states. Directing the mythical-political referents accepted or formal, with a tendency to the right or conservatism-religious to the detriment of others, generating socio-political reactions against from a reactionary or raised in arms. But these responses from the left have provoked dictatorial political or military responses. The methodology used for the present analysis is based on critical historical construction, critical discourse analysis and normative and political hermeneutics, which will allow us to show the influence of the military within countries, as well as policy interference Exterior.


2013 ◽  
pp. 49
Author(s):  
Elena Rosauro

<p>After the 1978 World Cup in Argentina, José Alfredo Martínez de Hoz —then Minister of Economy under<br />the Military Dictatorship— promoted an initiative to publish an article in Time Magazine in which “a real image of Argentina would be given” —in the words of businessman Carlos Pedro Blaquier, strongly close to the military regime—. But who defines the extent of reality of an image? Who makes these “real images” and how do they articulate within the construction of national history and identity? Along this article, and departing from the construction of the past in Argentina through the “real images” produced within the economic and artistic institutions, we will examine the image-based counternarratives propounded by Eduardo Molinari through his Walking Archive and the collaborative project Hegemony. These two contemporary artistic projects focus mainly on the last decades of the 20th century in order to give visibility to the existent relations among economic groups, the military, politicians and the cultural system in Argentina. These relations have provided legitimacy to certain processes of construction of “real” narratives and also to certain artistic practices, while rejecting others.</p>


Author(s):  
Lelde Bartuša

There are no normative provisions on patient euthanasia in Latvia. Consequently, the situation also arises that the concept and types of euthanasia are not forbidden, which creates a situation in which every individual understands this issue in public society's freedom. Consequently, some normative acts face controversy. For example, in relation to the patient's right to life and the right to die. In the context of historical development, the concept of "euthanasia" itself appeared only at the beginning of the 20th century; in the past, it was called "easy death" or "mercy".


1970 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 527-541 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leon Romaniecki

1. Claim to the Right of Intervention in the Defence of Socialism: The Brezhnev Doctrine asserts the Soviet Union's right to intervene in the internal affairs of the states comprising the Socialist Bloc. The source of this Doctrine is Soviet Foreign Minister Gromyko's declaration at the June 27, 1968, session of the Supreme Soviet, when he announced that the Socialist commonwealth would not tolerate the withdrawal of any of its constituent parts, should it be attempted.This statement formed the basis of what is called the “Brezhnev Doctrine”, as formulated in an article appearing in Pravda on September 26, 1968. The Doctrine is designed to affirm the “limited sovereignty” of every Socialist State and to justify the military intervention of members of the Warsaw Pact in Czechoslovakia.The Pravda article asserted that Czechoslovakia's self-determination impaired the essential interests of the Socialist commonwealth and required the “Soviet Union and the other Socialist countries…to take actions…in the fulfillment of their international obligations towards the Czechoslovak nation and in the defence of their Socialist achievements”.The Soviet Union's special role within the Socialist commonwealth and its right to intervene in its name was justified as follows:


1979 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian H. Smith

Over the past fifteen years the military have seized power in most major South American countries, leaving only Colombia and Venezuela with democratic regimes. The armed forces claim that only they are capable of controlling the domestic violence and social disruptions which accompanied the rapid political and economic changes of the 1960s. This process of social conflict and subsequent military intervention has been especially notable in the countries of the subcontinent region—Brazil, Bolivia, Chile, Argentina, Peru, and Uruguay.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document