Kuchma first became president on 10 July 1994. Friction between president and parliament has been a factor (as will be discussed below) in hindering economic reform. Kuchma has been re-elected, winning the second round of the presidential election (held on 14 November 1999) more comfortably than anticipated. His rival, Petro Simonenko (head of the Communist Party), was perceived as too inclined to state regulation of the economy and too close to Russia. Nevertheless, OSCE expressed considerable concern about the way Kuchma ran his campaign, e.g. the use of the state to manipulate the media. The general election of 29 March 1998 did not result in a sea change in the balance of forces in parliament: leftist forces remained the strongest but without a majority; a substantial centre persisted; nationalist forces, however, weakened somewhat. Parties have generally been strengthened. Kuchma hoped for a more constructive relationship with parliament and for a less geographi-cally split country.

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Edo Pratama Putra

The General Election was held in 2019 with the KPU as the organizer on April 17, 2019. Among the tasks of the KPU was the dissemination of General Elections to remote areas throughout Indonesia. Remote areas are the main concern of the KPU in an effort to increase election participation in 2019, because remote areas are one of the biggest contributors to the Golput number in the 2014 elections. One of the remote areas with very low participation rates is Tegal Rejo Village, Gedang Sari District, Gunung Kidul Regency. This village is located in a hilly area which is one of the disaster prone areas. Tegal Rejo village has not received socialization from the Gunung Kidul Regency KPU and many villagers are still not informed about the 2019 Presidential Election. From the problems that occur, the author finds a solution to the problem by making an "Infographic Design as a Media Supporting the Socialization of KPU to Remote Areas". As for this design contains information on Election 2019, such as the introduction of candidates in the form of profiles of each prospective president and vice president, procedures for voting, time and place of execution until the conditions become a Permanent Voters List (DPT). And the media created will be given to the KPU to be the material for dissemination to remote areas in Indonesia.


2018 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 358-373 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nadezhda Borisova ◽  
Konstantin Sulimov

Ethnic territorial autonomy (ETA) is an institutional way to ensure simultaneously the integrity of the state and the rights of ethnic minorities through preferential policies in certain ethnically sensitive spheres. Language preferential policies differ greatly across multilingual ETAs and can be analyzed through the concept of “language territorial regime” (LTR). In this paper, we examine LTRs along two dimensions: (1) the scope of state regulation of language use and (2) the way language rights are perceived and used. The first considers the depth and universality of state regulation of language use – “strong” or “weak.” The second concerns whether the community's approach to language rights is symbolic or pragmatic. The combination of these two dimensions allows the categorization of LTRs into four main classes: “strong parting-regime,” “strong pooling-regime,” “weak pooling-regime,” and “weak parting-regime.” A comparison of South Tyrol, Vojvodina, and Wales allows conceptualizing LTR as a system of de jure institutional arrangements of linguistic issues and practice of self-organization and perpetuation of multilingual communities.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Edo Pratama Putra

<p class="SammaryHeader" align="center"><strong>ABSTRACT</strong></p><p>­­­­­­­­­­­</p><p><em>The General Election was held in 2019 with the KPU as the organizer on April 17, 2019. Among the tasks of the KPU was the dissemination of General Elections to remote areas throughout Indonesia. Remote areas are the main concern of the KPU in an effort to increase election participation in 2019, because remote areas are one of the biggest contributors to the Golput number in the 2014 elections. One of the remote areas with very low participation rates is Tegal Rejo Village, Gedang Sari District, Gunung Kidul Regency. This village is located in a hilly area which is one of the disaster prone areas. Tegal Rejo village has not received socialization from the Gunung Kidul Regency KPU and many villagers are still not informed about the 2019 Presidential Election. From the problems that occur, the author finds a solution to the problem by making an "Infographic Design as a Media Supporting the Socialization of KPU to Remote Areas". As for this design contains information on Election 2019, such as the introduction of candidates in the form of profiles of each prospective president and vice president, procedures for voting, time and place of execution until the conditions become a Permanent Voters List (DPT). And the media created will be given to the KPU to be the material for dissemination to remote areas in Indonesia.</em></p><p><strong><em>Keywords : </em></strong><em>Infographics, Socialization of KPU, Remote Areas</em></p><p class="SammaryHeader" align="center"><strong>ABSTRAK</strong></p><p>­­­­­­­­­­­</p><p><em>Pada tahun 2019 Komisi Pemilihan Umum  mengadakan Pemilihan Umum berupa Pemilihan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden, yang akan dilaksanakan pada 17 April 2019. diantara tugas yang dijalankan KPU adalah berupa sosialisasi Pemilihan Umum ke daerah-daerah terpencil di seluruh Indonesia. </em><em>Daerah terpencil menjadi perhatian utama KPU dalam upaya peningkatan partisipasi Pemilu pada tahun 2019, karena daerah terpencil menjadi salah satu penyumbang angka Golput terbesar di Pemilu tahun 2014. Salah satu penyebab kurangnya angka partisipasi pemilih adalah diantaranya sedikitnya pengetahuan dan informasi masyarakat tentang Pemilu di daerah-daerah terpencil Indonesia. Salah satu daerah terpencil yang tingkat partisipasinya sangat rendah adalah Desa Tegal Rejo Kecamatan Gedang Sari, Kabupaten Gunung Kidul. Desa ini terletak di daerah perbukitan yang menjadi salah satu daerah rawan bencana. Desa Tegal Rejo belum mendapat sosialisasi dari KPU Kabupaten Gunung Kidul dan masyarakat desa masih banyak yang tidak mendapat informasi mengenai Pemilihan Presiden 2019. </em><em>Dari permasalahan yang terjadi, penulis menemukan usulan pemecahan masalah yaitu dengan membuat sebuah “Perancangan Infografik sebagai Media Pendukung Sosialisasi KPU ke Daerah Terpencil”. Adapun pada perancangan ini berisikan tentang Informasi Pemilu 2019, seperti pengenalan calon berupa profil setiap calon peresiden dan wakil presiden, tata cara mencoblos, waktu dan tempat pelaksanaan hingga syarat-syarat menjadi Daftar Pemilih Tetap (DPT). Dan media yang dibuat akan diberikan kepada KPU untuk menjadi bahan sosialisasi ke daerah-daerah terpencil di Indonesia.</em></p><strong><em>Kata kunci : </em></strong><em>Infografik, Sosialisasi KPU, Dearah Terpencil</em>


Author(s):  
Martin C. Njoroge ◽  
Purity Kimani ◽  
Bernard J. Kikech

The way the media processes, frames, and passes on information either to the government or to the people affects the function of the political system. This chapter discusses the interaction between new media and ethnicity in Kenya, Africa. The chapter investigates ways in which the new media reinforced issues relating to ethnicity prior to Kenya’s 2007 presidential election. In demonstrating the nexus between new media and ethnicity, the chapter argues that the upsurge of ethnic animosity was chiefly instigated by new media’s influence. Prior to the election, politicians had mobilized their supporters along ethnic lines, and created a tinderbox situation. Thus, there is need for the new media in Kenya to help the citizens to redefine the status of ethnic relationships through the recognition of ethnic differences and the re-discovery of equitable ways to accommodate them; after all, there is more strength than weaknesses in these differences.


2008 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 355-374 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kelly Blidook

Abstract.Health care has arguably been the most important issue in Canadian politics in the past decade. This paper focuses on the extent to which the media affect public perceptions of “the way things are” in the Canadian health care system. Individual perceptions of the state of health care are analyzed as being a function of personal experience with the system, loyalty or pre-formed opinions and the information that the individual receives through the media. Results indicate that media use has a significant effect on the likelihood of negative perceptions regarding the state of health care.Résumé.Le système de soins de santé représente sans doute le thème dominant de la dernière décennie sur la scène politique canadienne. Cet article examine l'influence exercée par les médias sur les perceptions du public concernant «la situation courante» du système de soins de santé canadien. L'analyse présente les perceptions individuelles sur l'état du système comme étant le reflet de l'expérience personnelle, d'une loyauté ou d'une opinion préétablie et de l'information transmise par les médias. Les résultats indiquent que les médias ont une incidence importante sur d'éventuelles perceptions négatives concernant l'état du système de soins de santé.


Author(s):  
Syahrur Razy ◽  
Winarno Winarno ◽  
Rusnaini Rusnaini

In the 2019 general election, the Indonesian people simultaneously elected the President and Vice President and legislative members. The Indonesian people are waiting for who will lead the next five years, especially for the President and Vice President with figures Joko Widodo - Ma'ruf Amin and challenger Prabowo Subianto - Sandiagan Uno. This study aims to determine the perceptions of first-time voters in the two-figure Presidential election in 2019. This study uses a quantitative descriptive study, data obtained from the sample of the study population were analyzed according to the statistical methods used. Descriptive research in this study is intended to get the perception of novice voters at SMAN 5 Surakarta of the presidential candidates in the 2019 general election. There are several things that can affect perceptions about the figure of the President, namely leadership, anti-corruption, welfare, nationalism and change for a more Indonesian state good. All factors are obtained through social media owned by novice voters. Beginner voters in SMAN 5 Surakarta are in the category of critical voters because with knowledge of social media and issues in the media are able to assess whether the prospective leader is eligible to be elected in the general election.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laurence Coderre

Contemporary China is seen as a place of widespread commodification and consumerism, while the preceeding Maoist Cultural Revolution is typically understood as a time when goods were scarce and the state criticized what little consumption was possible. Indeed, with the exception of the likeness and words of Mao Zedong, both the media and material culture of the Cultural Revolution are often characterized as a void out of which the postsocialist world of commodity consumption miraculously sprang fully formed. In Newborn Socialist Things, Laurence Coderre explores the material culture of the Cultural Revolution to show how it paved the way for commodification in contemporary China. Examining objects ranging from retail counters and porcelain statuettes to textbooks and vanity mirrors, she shows how the project of building socialism in China has always been intimately bound up with consumption. By focusing on these objects—or “newborn socialist things”—along with the Cultural Revolution’s media environment, discourses of materiality, and political economy, Coderre reconfigures understandings of the origins of present-day China.


Author(s):  
Thibaut Raboin

Discourses on LGBT asylum in the UK analyses fifteen years of debate, activism and media narrative and examines the way asylum is conceptualized at the crossroads of nationhood, post colonialism and sexual citizenship, reshaping in the process forms of sexual belongings to the nation. Asylum has become a foremost site for the formulation and critique of LGBT human rights. This book intervenes in the ongoing discussion of homonationalism, sheds new light on the limitations of queer liberalism as a political strategy, and questions the prevailing modes of solidarity with queer migrants in the UK. This book employs the methods of Discourse Analysis to study a large corpus encompassing media narratives, policy documents, debates with activists and NGOs, and also counter discourses emerging from art practice. The study of these discourses illuminates the construction of the social problem of LGBT asylum. Doing so, it shows how our understanding of asylum is firmly rooted in the individual stories of migration that are circulated in the media. The book also critiques the exclusionary management of cases by the state, especially in the way the state manufactures the authenticity of queer refugees. Finally, it investigates the affective economy of asylum, assessing critically the role of sympathy and challenging the happy goals of queer liberalism. This book will be essential for researchers and students specializing in refugee studies and queer studies.


Tourism ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 69 (3) ◽  
pp. 367-380
Author(s):  
Toney K. Thomas ◽  
Diya Jose

The way of protest through hartal (general strike) has sparked heated debates about its impact on the tourism industry in Kerala. This paper is aimed in the viewpoint that political activism has adverse consequences on tourism in the state of Kerala which is seamlessly propagated through the Media. Through a thematic analysis of online texts published on trip advisor, this paper explores tourists’ perceptions and opinions of the implication of hartal on tourism in Kerala. Overall, our analysis reveals that hartal would not discourage tourists to visit Kerala, although many regarded that certain level of challenges at the destination will enhance the visitor experience. Importantly, our study also contends that the narratives about the ‘hartal’ produced and propagated online were often representative of political structures of power, which linked tourism to hartal irrespective of the real impact on tourism.


2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (02) ◽  
pp. 52
Author(s):  
Leo Agustino ◽  
Badrul Azmier Mohamed@Bakar

AbstractToday, social media is perceived as the media. Blogs and bloggers have changed journalism; YouTube has discovered rare and raw talents; and the trinity (Facebook, Twitter, YouTube) have sparked revolutions. Focusing on end-users instead of producers and its interactive-ness are two paramount characters that permit ordinary people to engage in extra-ordinary activities. From the showbiz to politics, social media has left its marks. The World political events in recent years, in particular Arab Spring of MENA (Middle East and North Africa) have showcased positive link between social media and democratization. Malaysia has experienced quite a similar phenomenon to MENA in the verge of the 12th General Election (GE-12), held on March 8, 2008. The failure of the only ruling coalition, Barisan Nasional (National Front, or BN) to retain its two-third majority in the GE-12 is an empirical evident of people?s desire and aspiration for free and fair elections, good-governance, and democratization which are very different from race-based politics. At a glimpse, the results of the 13th General Election (GE-13) which was held on May 5, 2013 are quite similar to the GE-12. Yet, deeper analyses indicated race-base politics and �strong government� has made a comeback. Hence, this article explores the paradox when the state is not only interfering but also participating in social media. This exploration demonstrates social media is not only meant for the masses; and that by possessing money, machinery, and authority; the state is potentially dominant at social media. Keywords: Democratization, de-democratization, social media, general election AbstrakSaat ini, media sosial diterima sebagai media. Blog dan para blogger mengubah jurnalisme: YouTube menemukan bakat-bakat terpendam dan alami; serta the trinity (Facebook, Twitter, YouTube) telah memicu revolusi. Fokus yang lebih diberikan kepada pengguna akhir ketimbang produsen dan karakter interaktifnya adalah dua karakter penting yang memungkinkan orang-orang biasa terlibat dalam aktivitas-aktivitas yang tidak biasa. Dari pertunjukan ke politik, media sosial telah meninggalkan jejaknya. Peristiwa politik dunia dalam beberapa tahun terakhir, khususnya fenomena Arab Spring dari MENA (Timur Tengah dan Afrika Utara) telah menunjukkan hubungan positif antara media sosial dan demokratisasi. Malaysia mempunyai pengalaman yang hampir sama dengan fenomena MENA dalam Pemilihan Umum ke 12 (GE-12), pada 8 Maret 2008. Kegagalan dari satu-satunya koalisi yang berkuasa, Barisan Nasional (National Front, or BN) untuk mempertahankan 2/3 suaranya adalah bukti empiris bahwa rakyat berkeinginan dan mempunyai aspirasi untuk Pemilu yang bebas dan adil, pemerintahan yang baik, dan demokratisasi yang sangat berbeda dari politik berbasis ras. Sekilas, hasil Pemilihan Umum 13 (GE-13) yang diselenggarakan pada 5 Mei 2013 sangat mirip dengan GE-12. Namun, analisis yang lebih dalam menunjukkan bahwa politik berbasis ras dan pemerintah kuat telah kembali. Oleh karena itu, artikel ini mengeksplorasi hal yang paradoks ketika negara tidak hanya mencampuri tetapi juga berpartisipasi di media sosial. Eksplorasi ini menunjukkan bahwa media sosial tidak hanya dimaksudkan untuk massa; dan bahwa dengan memiliki uang, mesin, dan otoritas; negara berpotensi menjadi dominan di media sosial. Kata-Kata Kunci: Demokratisasi, de-demokratisasi, media sosial, pemilihan umum


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