Causation in the law

Author(s):  
Richard W. Wright

Causal language is pervasive in the law, especially in those areas, such as contract law, tort law and criminal law, that deal with legal responsibility for the adverse consequences of voluntary and involuntary human interactions. Yet there are widely varying theories on the nature and role of causation in the law. At one extreme, the causal minimalists claim that causation plays little or no role in attributions of legal responsibility. At the opposite extreme, the causal maximalists claim that causation is the primary or sole determinant of legal responsibility. These divergent views are rooted in different conceptions of: (1) the nature or meaning of causation, (2) the relationship between causation and attributions of legal responsibility, and (3) the basic purposes of the relevant areas of law. Much of the disagreement and confusion stems from the ambiguous usages of causal language in the law, which follow the ambiguous usages of causal language in ordinary, non-legal discourse. In both areas, causal language is sometimes used in its primary sense to refer to the content and operation of the empirical laws of nature, but at other times it is used in a more restricted normative sense to signify that one of the contributing conditions has been identified as being more important than the other conditions, in relation to some particular purpose. The relevant purpose in the law is the attribution of legal responsibility for some consequence. Thus, in legal discourse, causal language is ambiguously employed to grapple not only with the empirical issue of causal contribution but also with the normative issue of legal responsibility. The failure to use language that clearly identifies and distinguishes these two issues has generated considerable disagreement and confusion over each issue and the nature of the relationship between them. Further disagreement and confusion have been generated by the difficulty of providing useful, comprehensive criteria for the resolution of each of these issues. The most widely used criterion for the empirical issue of causal contribution is the necessary-condition (conditio sine qua non) test. This test has been subjected to considerable criticism as being over-inclusive or under-inclusive or both, and as inviting or even requiring resort to normative policy issues to resolve what supposedly is a purely empirical issue. The deficiencies of the necessary-condition test, coupled with the difficulties encountered in trying to devise a useful alternative test that does not beg the question, have led many to conclude that there is no purely empirical concept of causation, and that there is thus no more than a minimal role for causation in the attribution of legal responsibility. This causal-minimalist position has been especially attractive to the legal economists and the critical legal scholars, since it undermines the traditional conception of the law as an instrument of interactive justice, whereby everyone is required to avoid causing injury to the persons and property of others through interactions that fail to respect properly those others’ equal dignity and autonomy. The traditional conception, with its focus on individual autonomy, rights and causation, is inconsistent with the social-welfare maximizing theories of the legal economists and the anti-liberal, deconstructionist programme of the critical legal scholars. The members of each causal-minimalist group therefore argue that the concept of causation should be: (a) jettisoned entirely and replaced by direct resort to the social policy goals which they believe do or should determine the ultimate incidence and extent of legal responsibility; (b) redefined as being reducible to those social policy goals; or (c) retained as useful rhetoric that can be manipulated to achieve or camouflage the pursuit of those social policy goals.

Author(s):  
Yaroslav Skoromnyy ◽  

The article reveals the conceptual foundations of the social responsibility of the court as an important prerequisite for the legal responsibility of a judge. It has been established that the problem of court and judge liability is regulated by the following international and Ukrainian documents, such as: 1) European Charter on the Law «On the Status of Judges» adopted by the Council of Europe; 2) The Law of Ukraine «On the Judicial System and the Status of Judges»; 3) the Constitution of Ukraine; 4) The Code of Judicial Ethics, approved by the Decision of the XI (regular) Congress of Judges of Ukraine; 5) Recommendation CM/Rec (2010) 12 of the Cabinet of Ministers of the Council of Europe to member states regarding judges: independence, efficiency and responsibilities; 6) Bangalore Principles of Judicial Conduct. The results of a survey conducted by the Democratic Initiatives Foundation and the Razumkov Center, the Council of Judges of Ukraine and the Center for Judicial Studios with the support of the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation based on the «Monitoring of the State of Independence of Judges in Ukraine – 2012» as part of the study of the level of trust in the modern system were considered and analyzed, justice, judges and courts. It is determined that a judge has both a legal and a moral duty to impartially, independently, in a timely manner and comprehensively consider court cases and make fair judicial decisions, administering justice on the basis of legislative norms. Based on the study of the practice of litigation, it has been proven that judges must skillfully operate with various instruments of protection from public influence. It has been established that in order to ensure the protection of judges from the public, it is necessary to create special units that will function as part of judicial self-government bodies. It was proposed that the Council of Judges of Ukraine, which acts as the highest body of judicial self- government in our state (in Ukraine), legislate the provision on ensuring the protection of the procedural independence of judges.


2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 265-272
Author(s):  
Venelin Terziev ◽  
Preslava Dimitrova

The social policy of a country is a set of specific activities aimed at regulating the social relations between different in their social status subjects. This approach to clarifying social policy is also called functional and essentially addresses social policy as an activity to regulate the relationship of equality or inequality in society. It provides an opportunity to look for inequalities in the economic positions of individuals in relation to ownership, labor and working conditions, distribution of income and consumption, social security and health, to look for the sources of these inequalities and their social justification or undue application.The modern state takes on social functions that seek to regulate imbalances, to protect weak social positions and prevent the disintegration of the social system. It regulates the processes in society by harmonizing interests and opposing marginalization. Every modern country develops social activities that reflect the specifics of a particular society, correspond to its economic, political and cultural status. They are the result of political decisions aimed at directing and regulating the process of adaptation of the national society to the transformations of the market environment. Social policy is at the heart of the development and governance of each country. Despite the fact that too many factors and problems affect it, it largely determines the physical and mental state of the population as well as the relationships and interrelationships between people. On the other hand, social policy allows for a more global study and solving of vital social problems of civil society. On the basis of the programs and actions of political parties and state bodies, the guidelines for the development of society are outlined. Social policy should be seen as an activity to regulate the relationship of equality or inequality between different individuals and social groups in society. Its importance is determined by the possibility of establishing on the basis of the complex approach: the economic positions of the different social groups and individuals, by determining the differences between them in terms of income, consumption, working conditions, health, etc .; to explain the causes of inequality; to look for concrete and specific measures to overcome the emerging social disparities.


2015 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 687-705 ◽  
Author(s):  
RACHAEL DOBSON

AbstractThis article argues that constructions of social phenomena in social policy and welfare scholarship think about the subjects and objects of welfare practice in essentialising ways, with negativistic effects for practitioners working in ‘regulatory’ contexts such as housing and homelessness practice. It builds into debates about power, agency, social policy and welfare by bringing psychosocial and feminist theorisations of relationality to practice research. It claims that relational approaches provide a starting point for the analysis of empirical practice data, by working through the relationship between the individual and the social via an ontological unpicking and revisioning of practitioners' social worlds.


2020 ◽  
pp. 31-35
Author(s):  
Maria Kudryavtseva

The article examines the relationship between the social policy of the state and the Institute of social work. Some foreign and domestic approaches to defi ning the essence of social work as a specifi c type of activity are presented. It is noted that at a specifi c historical stage, the prevailing directions of social work, models of social assistance and support are determined by the socio-economic situation in the country, the level of social development, and the socio-cultural context. It is emphasized that in the conditions of modern reality, there is a need to develop the Institute of social work and realize its potential.


2019 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 255-263
Author(s):  
Joseph A. Varacalli ◽  

This Comment concerns itself with the relationship between the social policies of U.S. President Donald J. Trump and, respectively, American civilization and Catholic social thought. Also included are discussions of two recent American populist social movements, the Tea Party and that one generated by a commitment to the Trump Presidency, insofar as the latter relates to the primary focus of this Comment.


Author(s):  
Tina Haux

Academics are increasingly required to demonstrate their impact on the wider world. The aim of this book is to compare and contextualise the dimensions of impact within the social sciences. Unlike most other studies of the 2014 Research Excellence Framework impact case studies, this book includes case studies from three different sub-panels (Sociology, Social Policy and Social Work and Politics and International Relations), which in themselves capture several disciplines, and therefore allows for a comparison of how impact and academic identify are defined and presented. The impact case studies are placed in an analytical framework that identifies different types of impact and impact pathways and places them in the context of policy models. Finally, it provides a comparison across time based on interviews with Social Policy professors who are looking back over 40 years of being involved as well as analysing the relationship between research and policy-making. This long view highlights successes but also the serendipitous and superficial nature of impact across time.


1989 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 105-121 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gilbert Smith

ABSTRACTThere is a danger that the ‘missionary zeal’ exhibited by some social gerontologists in the interests of those members of society who are older than others, may endanger the subject's ‘scholarly stance’ and the potential contribution to social policy of research on old age. This paper discusses four facets of the matter: (1) the anticipated values underpinning policies of state welfare (2) personal feelings and values in the business of research (3) values and the kind of data we value and (4) the question of whose side we are on. The paper concludes with a theoretical model of the relationship between the social policy process and the social research process as framework for understanding exactly how values about ageing impact both research about ageing and the relationship between that research and relevant social policies.


Author(s):  
Sergey V. Petkov ◽  

The article analyses the scientific approaches of scientists to the evolution, essence and features of the concept of �responsibility�, �social responsibility�, �legal responsibility�. It is stated that responsibility is determined by the level of development of public consciousness, the level of social relations, existing social institutions. Liability as a social phenomenon can be manifested both in a positive way � receiving a reward, and in a negative - for committing offences. The classification of responsibility as a social phenomenon depends on the sphere of social activity, in connection with which political, moral, social, legal and other types of responsibility are distinguished. It is theoretically substantiated that legal responsibility differs from other types of social responsibility by formal definition, obligatory observance of legal norms, state control over their execution, application of state coercion to the offender, prevention of offences and protection of law and order. The degree of responsibility in public and private legal relations is determined. Public torts (crime and misdemeanor) are analysed, problematic issues are outlined and suggestions for their improvement are provided. Types of legal liability for committing offences (torts) are considered. Emphasis is placed on the fact that responsibility is a necessary condition for the development and effective functioning of the state, its effectiveness depends on the mechanisms of responsibility to the individual and is determined by the level of social consciousness, the level of social relations, existing social institutions. The key task of accountability is the fair application and inevitability of punishment. Today, the real threat to national security is a theoretically unfounded amendment of the legislation on liability for offenses. Chaotic, unsystematic accumulation of blanket norms in the basic codes, introduction of new definitions and definitions in the legislation on criminal liability, misunderstanding of the essence of disciplinary liability for misdemeanors, creation of new bodies carrying out administrative activities carried out in the field of other state bodies. This has led to real irresponsibility of government officials and vulnerability of citizens from illegal actions of offenders. The Constitution of Ukraine states that a person may be liable only for offences defined by law. The law must be clear and effective. Punishment is just and inevitable. However, the law will be effective only when it will contain all the components of the rule of law: the hypothesis is usually a behaviour; disposition - violation of this rule; sanction - punishment for violation.


Author(s):  
Breen Creighton ◽  
Catrina Denvir ◽  
Richard Johnstone ◽  
Shae McCrystal ◽  
Alice Orchiston

This chapter examines the nature and purposes of strike action. It suggests that strikes are a means of protecting and promoting the social and economic interests of workers—especially in the context of collective bargaining. It provides an historical outline of the relationship between strikes and the law by tracing the transition from repression of union organization, and more specifically the capacity to take strike action, through toleration to recognition, and recently back to reluctant toleration. The chapter also notes that the capacity to take strike action is almost always limited in one or more ways, including restrictions on the organizations and/or individuals that can lawfully take strike action, the forms of strike action that can legitimately be taken, the matters in relation to which strike action may be taken, and the procedural requirements for lawful strike action. A very common procedural constraint is a requirement that proposed strike action be authorized by a pre-strike ballot. Chapter 1 introduces the usual ostensible rationale for pre-strike ballots—the need to protect the democratic rights of individuals: the so-called ‘democratic imperative’. It also uses two case studies to introduce important theoretical and practical issues raised by the use of pre-strike ballots.


Author(s):  
Peter C. Caldwell

The social rule of law, or social Rechtsstaat, was a second key term used in the first decade of the Federal Republic of Germany to justify extensive state interventions into society, so long as they preserved individual freedoms. Individual freedoms—such as the right to free speech, the right to enter and exit contracts, and the right to own property—required some kind of social supplement to ensure real freedom, or so the term suggested. By cementing this principle in the Basic Law, the founders opened up a debate about the justification, nature, and extent of the welfare state. Some, like Ernst Forsthoff, rejected the entire discussion as non-sensical; others, like Wolfgang Abendroth, viewed the constitutional concept as a spur to social reform. While this debate took place among lawyers, its real significance lay in the way it articulated the relationship between social policy and democracy.


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