Benevolent hegemon, neighborhood bully, or regional security provider? Russia’s efforts to promote regional integration after the 2013–2014 Ukraine crisis

Author(s):  
Andrej Krickovic ◽  
Maxim Bratersky
2006 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 287-301
Author(s):  
Anush Begoyan

AbstractThe article examines security issues of the Transcaucasian region with the focus on nonmilitary and trans-border security threats and a regional security community that also includes non-state security actors of the region, such as not-recognised autonomous entities, nations, ethnic groups, minorities, etc.This approach to regional security shifts the focus of policies from balance of power to closer regional integration and cooperation, as well as joint provision of regional security. Despite many objectives and existing obstacles to this scenario of regional development, the author sees it to be the only way toward a stable and long-term security in the region. The article argues that closer regional cooperation and integration would allow to accommodate interests and security concerns of non-state actors of the region and would bring the fate of regional issues back in the hands of the regional powers and create bases for sustainable and lasting peace in the region.


2019 ◽  
Vol IV (III) ◽  
pp. 241-249
Author(s):  
Uzma Siraj ◽  
Sartaj

This paper analyzes the role of Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) as an effective instrument for regional security, cooperation and integration between Central and South Asia. It has the capacity to counter both traditional and non-traditional security threats. The presence of both Central Asian and South Asian states as members actually complement each other. As both face similar security issue i.e. terrorism. Energy Security of both regions is the biggest complementary factor and have bright prospects of cooperation under SCO. Moreover, the presence of China and Russia, two major regional powers having aspiration for regional integration makes it an attractive option for carrying out the regional stability and deeper integration. The role of SCO seems to be expanding in the wake of this regional integration, where cooperation between China and Russia have a spillover effect on the whole region further strengthening through cooperation in security, energy and other economic and trade matters.


Significance The trip comes shortly after the International Court of Justice (ICJ) ruled that Somalia can pursue a claim against Kenya over a maritime boundary dispute. The ruling was the latest in a series of foreign relations defeats that have called into question the effectiveness of President Uhuru Kenyatta’s foreign policy. Kenya focuses on building regional support for its military action in Somalia and promoting regional integration through large-scale integration projects, while diversifying its portfolio of international partners and marshalling African criticism of perceived Western hypocrisy. However, a series of challenges, including a fatal attack on the military in Somalia and failure to secure the chair of the African Union (AU) Commission, have undermined confidence in the competence of the Kenyatta government on the international stage. Impacts Fears about corruption and political instability discourage regional neighbours from implementing touted infrastructure plans. Kenya will vigorously pursue the maritime border case as it has already granted hydrocarbon exploration and exploitation rights. Regional security considerations may shift as the military effort in Somalia winds down.


2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Sperling ◽  
Mark Webber

AbstractIn securitisation theory (ST) little attention has been paid to how actors undertake securitisation collectively. The empirical focus of that theory has also, paradoxically, neglected the military-strategic sector and with it regional security organisations like NATO. Such an oversight is worth correcting for three reasons. First, NATO is constantly engaged in securitisation across a range of issues, a process that reflects an underappreciated recursive interaction between the Alliance and its member states. Second, the Ukraine crisis has resulted in Russia being explicitly identified as a source of threat and so has triggered a successful collective (re)securitisation by the Alliance. Third, a framework that demonstrates NATO’s standing as a securitising actor has potential relevance to other regional security organisations. This article discusses and amends ST in service of an approach that permits securitisation by actors other than the state, in this case NATO. A model of collective securitisation is presented and then applied empirically to the post-Cold War desecuritisation of Russia and its subsequent resecuritisation following the annexation of Crimea. The implications of resecuritisation for the emergence of a self-reinforcing security dilemma in NATO-Russia relations are also considered.


2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-175
Author(s):  
Richard Javad Heydarian

The paper examines the evolution of the Asian regional security architecture in the past three decades, evaluating relations between China and its neighbors, and considering various approaches in International Relations theory. First, the paper examines the assumptions of liberal institutionalism in the context of “econophoria,” assessing its merits in East Asia. Second, the paper addresses China and its relations with the East Asian neighborhood in the latter decades of the 20th century. Third, the paper examines growing territorial tensions between China and its neighbors in the past decade -- and how this undermines regional security and regional integration. Lastly, the paper evaluates the contributions of alternative IR theories such as realism and constructivism in providing a better understanding of China’s new assertiveness.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (5(J)) ◽  
pp. 44-52
Author(s):  
Andrew Enaifoghe ◽  
Sandile Blessing Mkhwanazi

This paper explored the polity of regional integration development and the challenges hampering the southern Africa economic growth. The study finds that the design and structure of the African regional development within the integration schemes is around inward-looking industrialization that is intended to facilitate economic costs of participation for member states. This often remains unevenly distributed among member states. Most countries in Africa linger highly reliant on agriculture and yet suffer from high levels of unemployment and food insecurity in the continent. In these situations, it is logical for one to expect the “African regional integration in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) sub-regional schemes to be most focused on developing whatsoever synergies that may exist to promote both socio-economic development and regional security across borders, which may hamper the policy implementation through good governance and ethical valued approach. Qualitatively, this paper collected data and analysis them based on content, using secondary sources from different domains, including Google scholars, Scorpius repositories.


2013 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-56
Author(s):  
Dalia Bukelevičiūtė

This article follows the interests and actions of the countries of Baltic and Little ententes with regard to the projected Eastern Pact, which raised marked interest in East-Central Europe in 1934-1935. It seeks to give an answer to the question whether the negotiations over the Eastern Pact brought the interests of the Baltic states closer to those of the Little Entente. It highlights that the progress of negotiations made it clear that each country was more concerned with its security than the common security of the entire bloc, even though both the Little Entente and the Baltic Entente were established for the sake of safeguarding security of their member states and harmonising their foreign policy in this respect. Both regional security bodies declared their agreement to the Eastern Pact but the key difference was that the Baltic Entente was expected to participate in the Eastern Pact directly, whereas only Czechoslovakia was singled out from among the members of the Little Entente. The analysis concludes that Lithuania and Czechoslovakia were the two countries which were most actively concerned with the conclusion of the Eastern Pact.


Author(s):  
Frédéric Grare

India’s attempt to join the process of regional integration was marked by ambivalence. India did bypass its own region to seek integration in the adjacent one, ignoring SAARC to seek membership in some of the ASEAN led institutions. Operating by consensus through non-binding agreements, ASEAN-centered regionalism suited India’s needs for recognition and protected it against the negative repercussions of regional tensions while preventing the rise of potential regional hegemonys. Through its participation in a regional security architecture led by ASEAN rules, India established a normative buffer while being able to influence decisions. However, ASEAN’s centrality (i.e.; consensus based and a unanimous position reflecting common strategic vision) is gradually being eroded by US-China proxy struggle for influence, eroding the foundation of India’s relations with ASEAN, as it may draw New Delhi into the zero-sum game situation it has so far tried to avoid.


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