The Role of EU Institutions in the Design of EU Foreign and Security Policies

Author(s):  
Akasemi Newsome ◽  
Marianne Riddervold
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Randall L. Schweller

This chapter works within the neoclassical realist tradition to examine the role of nationalism in foreign policymaking and the implication for the international politics of East Asia. Whereas the rise of China is an important structural factor necessarily affecting states' security policies throughout East Asia, China's rise does not determine these states' security policies. Rather, domestic politics ultimately determines how a state responds to changing security circumstances. In particular, nationalism can drive states to adopt more belligerent policies than warranted by their strategic environment, thus contributing to heightened bilateral conflicts and regional tension. The chapter argues that, in contemporary East Asia, rising China sets the context of policymaking, but domestic politics has been the primary factor shaping policy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 147 (1–2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Shkendije Geci Sherifi

Pursuant to UNSC Resolution 1244, following the war and the NATO bombing campaign, Kosovo was placed under an international administration, by the United  Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK). After the end of the war, the course of the security policies in Kosovo was directed mainly by international actors. Basically, the security sector was non-existent, whereas the international military and civilian presence was responsible for the security of Kosovo’s borders and the protection of public order. The responsibility for security thus belonged to the international community and was progressively transferred to the Kosovo security institutions. While in the beginning, the takeover of security by the international community was a necessity in order to provide peace and stability, the prolongation of the delegation of ownership to local institutions created disadvantages in terms of timely and professional development. During international administration, the undefined political status of Kosovo influenced the security sector as an area reserved for the international community. 


Author(s):  
A. V. Groubinko

In the article on the basis of the original chart of the theoretical conceptual system of Eurointegration's development offered by an author base principles of Great Britain's participation in common foreign and security policy (CFSP) of the European Union are examined. The country’s role in the processes of forming EU's CFSP is determined in the context of leading theories of Eurointegration. The evolution of British government's policy participation in the system of political co-operation in the European Union, character of its influence on the processes of Eurointegration in the sphere of foreign and security policies are analysed. CFSP as a specific sphere of co-operation of the EU's states fully represents conceptual dichotomy of European Union essence at level «intergovernmental - supranational». CFSP is the segment of the EU's legal reality which is historically based on intergovernmental co-operation, and in modern terms characterized by the expressed elements of funcional supranational institucialisation and insignificant strengthening of federalism. Great Britain conceptual approaches to forming EU's CFSP lie traditions of pragmatical and functional realistic approach with the elements of federalist co-operation, externalism and minimum of institucialism. For activity of British governments is inherent pistorical heredity of participating in political integration within the framework of Common Europe. It's mean a successive policy of inhibition federalist supranational tendencies, propagandas of the evolutional going to development of integration processes and it distribution on new spheres. Such approaches are correspond to the model of selective-sectoral integration or «Europe a la carte» ofThatcherist standards, which in the process of realization under influence of objective (mainly external) factors evolved to practical embodiment of such more soft models of flexible integration, as «multi-speed integration» and «Europe of variable geometries». The noted approaches to CFSP allow government on the different historical stages to have retentive or stimulant influence on the integrational processes.


2018 ◽  
Vol 235 ◽  
pp. 735-757 ◽  
Author(s):  
Audrye Wong

AbstractMost analyses of China's foreign and security policies treat China as a unitary actor, assuming a cohesive grand strategy articulated by Beijing. I challenge this conventional wisdom, showing how Chinese provinces can affect the formulation and implementation of foreign policy. This contributes to existing research on the role of subnational actors in China, which has focused on how they shape domestic and economic policies. Using Hainan and Yunnan as case studies, I identify three mechanisms of provincial influence – trailblazing, carpetbagging, and resisting – and illustrate them with examples of key provincial policies. This analysis provides a more nuanced argument than is commonly found in international relations for the motivations behind evolving and increasingly activist Chinese foreign policy. It also has important policy implications for understanding and responding to Chinese behaviour, in the South China Sea and beyond.


Author(s):  
Ishmael Kwabla Hlovor

AbstractAfrican borderlands are sites where the state, borderlanders, criminal groups, and other groups compete and cooperate to achieve diverse interests. They are also zones of competing perspectives on security. However, current border security policies and practices operate within a restrictive neorealist theoretical paradigm with the state as the referent object of security thereby ignoring other perspectives on security. The vulnerabilities of borderlanders and the role of the border as a source of livelihood demand new ways of thinking about African borders in order to incorporate these major stakeholders into the bordering process. Although the adoption of the African Union's integrated border management strategy holds the potential to reconcile the needs of borderlanders with the objectives of the state, it remains within the restrictive neorealist framework. This paper argues that an emancipatory security theory provides an appropriate framework to understand African borders and borderlands. This theory holds the key for enhancing the security of African borders by reconciling the needs of borderlanders with the objectives of state security, and thereby making people and communities the referent objects of security. However, the failure of the theory to engage with the concept of power limits its usefulness.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Fadillah Amin ◽  
Wibisono Poespito Hadi ◽  
Soesilo Zauhar ◽  
Bambang Santoso Haryono

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to analyze and examine the influence of the role of the central government, the role of local government, community participation, governance on the success of post-COVID-19 food security policies. Design/methodology/approach This study conducted a quantification study related to phenomena related to the success of post-COVID-19 food security policies. The data used are primary data with a research instrument in the form of a questionnaire. Data analysis using the measurement model Structural Equation Model (SEM). The population in this study was all people in the city of Bandung, Indonesia. Findings The role of the Central Government (X1), the role of the Local Government (X2) and Public Participation (X3) is very important for improving Governance (Y1) and Food Defense Policy (Y2). Thus, the conditions of the role of the Central Government (X1), the role of the Local Government (X2) and Public Participation (X3) must always be maintained. Efforts to maintain the role of the Central Government (X1) and the role of the Local Government (X2) can be done by paying attention to the organizing aspect. This indicator is known to have a very important influence in reflecting the role of the Central Government (X1) and the role of the Local Government (X2). On the other hand, efforts to increase Public Participation (X3) can be done by paying attention to the Psychological indicators (X31). Originality/value The government must take steps to prevent a food crisis. Apart from that, the government is also deemed necessary to map existing agricultural potentials, stabilize food prices, carry out consolidation related to agricultural land and also make regulations related to existing food problems. Apart from the role of the government, the public can also take part in maintaining food security to avoid a food crisis. Communities have the opportunity to build food sovereignty and self-sufficiency. During a pandemic like this, people tend to be more creative and can be creative to outsmart existing situations. This includes maintaining access to food. The community is expected to have the awareness to undertake at least independent planting to meet their own food needs.


2016 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 324-341 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diego Sanjurjo

This article discusses the role played by citizens who acquire firearms for defensive purposes in the governance of security in Latin America. Do states possess the capacity to enforce formal-legal regulations or do citizens participate in the governance of security autonomously? Does the behavior of armed citizens correspond with the strategies and goals defined in security policies? The analysis concludes that firearms facilitate a behavior which delegitimizes authorities and harms state security policies. This role is more frequent in Latin America due to the legitimacy deficits of authorities and the lack of information regarding firearms and users, which hinder state capacities to control armed citizens from a distance. Their conceptualization in scenarios of regulated governance is therefore problematic, since their behavior evades state control frequently and with ease. These citizens are therefore better conceptualized under a nodal governance model.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 179
Author(s):  
Luerdi Luerdi ◽  
Amri Hakim

This paper aims to explain Turkey's border security policy in dealing with non-state actors in Northern Syria. Turkey's policy was carried out after five years of involvement in the Syrian crisis and one month after a failed coup attempt. This study uses the theory of securitization by Buzan that explains the existence of threat and vulnerability factors faced by the state in anarchic international structures. The research method used in this study is a qualitative method with the type of causality analysis. This paper found that threats and vulnerabilities pushed Turkey to launch a series of military operations as border security policies to rid North Syria of ISIS and PKK/PYD/YPG militias to control the adverse effects caused by the presence of non-state actors such as civilian and military casualties, property damage, as well as instability and disintegration. The border security policy confirms the increasingly important role of Turkey in the region while demonstrating Turkey's consistency in pursuing national security interests even outside its territory


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