scholarly journals Creative Forces for Entrepreneurship: The Role of Institutional Change Agents

2019 ◽  
pp. 300-328
Author(s):  
Friederike Welter
2020 ◽  
pp. 147612702095925
Author(s):  
Marc Krautzberger ◽  
Emamdeen Fohim ◽  
François Cooren ◽  
Thomas Schumacher

Neo-institutional theory has recently advanced our understanding of the early phase of institutional change but presupposes contexts in which verbally and nonverbally expressing the intended institutional change within a group is already possible. We develop a process model that explains how change agents conceal and reveal their intentional work on institutional change over time to avoid painful sanctions and counteractions. The model describes how change agents proceed from the first moment of forming the intention to promote institutional change until change is sedimented through diffused taken-for-granted behavior. It advances the understanding of how individual and collective actors communicatively influence the macro-pathways of institutional change. The model offers new insights into the very first moments of institutional change processes, the ability to change institutions, the role of ambiguity in change processes, and how change agents slowly and fundamentally change institutions.


2009 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-198 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Hopkin

This article addresses the relationship between political decentralization and the organization of political parties in Great Britain and Spain, focusing on the Labour Party and the Socialist Party, respectively. It assesses two rival accounts of this relationship: Caramani's `nationalization of politics' thesis and Chhibber and Kollman's rational choice institutionalist account in their book The Formation of National Party Systems. It argues that both accounts are seriously incomplete, and on occasion misleading, because of their unwillingness to consider the autonomous role of political parties as advocates of institutional change and as organizational entities. The article develops this argument by studying the role of the British Labour Party and the Spanish Socialists in proposing devolution reforms, and their organizational and strategic responses to them. It concludes that the reductive theories cited above fail to capture the real picture, because parties cannot only mitigate the effects of institutional change, they are also the architects of these changes and shape institutions to suit their strategic ends.


2021 ◽  
pp. 106591292198944
Author(s):  
Sukriti Issar ◽  
Matthias Dilling

Theoretical advances in the study of institutional change center around a productive paradox. While change agents can take strategic action to change institutions, institutions display a remarkable level of formal stability. From this paradox, we expect that attempts to change institutions are an empirical regularity and that many formal change attempts will fail. This article contributes to historical institutionalism by analyzing the political effects of failed formal institutional change attempts on institutional sequences. Failed institutional change attempts could be mere blips, having little effect on subsequent institutional trajectories, or even inoculate against future attempts. Failed attempts could also lay the ideational groundwork, aid in coalition building, and garner concessions for subsequent institutional change, or convince change agents to alter their strategy. The article suggests analytical strategies to assess the effects of failed institutional change attempts, drawing on examples from comparative politics and two extended case illustrations from Italian party politics and the Affordable Care Act in the United States.


Urban Studies ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 55 (4) ◽  
pp. 807-825 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carl Grodach ◽  
Nicole Foster ◽  
James Murdoch

The arts have long played a role in debates around gentrification and displacement, yet their roles and impacts as change agents are not clear-cut. According to the standard account, artists facilitate gentrification and ultimately engender the displacement of lower income households, but more recent research complicates the accepted narrative. This article seeks to untangle the relationship between the arts, gentrification and displacement through a statistical study of neighbourhood-level arts industry activity within large US regions. The findings indicate that the standard arts-led gentrification narrative is too generalised or simply no longer applicable to contemporary arts-gentrification processes. Rather, the arts have multiple, even conflicting relationships with gentrification and displacement that depend on context and type of art. These results have important implications for how we study the role of the arts in neighbourhood change and for how governments approach the arts and creative industries in urban policy.


1971 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 337-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
Howard Moody

Howard Moody is pastor of Judson Memorial Church in New York City and a Director of the New York Civil Liberties Union. In 1967, Moody brought together a small group of clergymen to help counsel women with “problem pregnancies.” Risking public censure and criminal prosecution, the Clergy Consultation Service on Abortion referred thousands of women for safe abortions. In addition, Moody and others formed a coalition to support the passage of a bill to legalize abortion. The New York Legislature passed such a bill in April, 1970, which permits abortions by licensed physicians within the first 24 weeks of pregnancy. On July 1, 1970, the New York Clergy Consultation Service, which had served as a model for other organizations in other states, was disbanded and reconstituted as Clergy and Lay Advocates for Hospital Abortion Performance. The new organization is designed to deal with local restrictions on abortions and the growth of high-priced “abortion brokers.” This article is reprinted from the March 8, 1971 issue of Christianity and Crisis, Copyright © 1971 by Christianity and Crisis, Inc. The article is used with permission and is reprinted not only as a commentary on a controversial issue but as a case-study of the problems involved when clergy and churches take on the role of social and cultural change-agents. It's definitely not easy, but apparently it can be done. Dr. Moody wishes to acknowledge the assistance of his associate, Arlene Carmen.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 20
Author(s):  
Alkida Ndreka

Migration has reciprocal economic implications between the origin and host countries. While scholars draw attention to the globalization of migration, since the 1960s there is a perpetual debate about the migration and development nexus. The role of international migrants and their financial remittances are identified as having a highly positive effect on the home country’s development. Emigrants’ remittances tangibly benefit the income for the families in the home country and investments in different sectors (housing, education, health, entrepreneurship, etc.). Next to remittances, returned migrants, especially those highly skilled are recognized as actors and drivers of significant economic development in the homeland. The contribution of return migrants to the development in origin countries can be beneficial not simply by investing the financial capital they accumulated during the migration cycle but also by the transferring of expertise, knowledge and new skills acquired abroad, and acting as social change agents in the home society. Empirical studies indicate a positive relationship between return migration and entrepreneurial activity, therefore enterprises can be a substantial contributor, among others, to economic growth and alleviating poverty of the origin country. Governments and policymakers are increasingly interested in the issue of return migration and return migration policies that attract and facilitate the returnee’s reintegration. Reintegration programs, especially those in the business sector, benefit the development of the origin country through savings, investments, easing of entrepreneurial opportunities and the expertise of returnees. This paper aims to identify whether return migration is beneficial for the origin country and especially to analyze the role of return migrant’s in the economic development of the origin country through engaging in entrepreneurial activity


Author(s):  
Stuart Sims ◽  
Wilko Luebsen ◽  
Chris Guggiari-Peel

Throughout the REACT project, the core institutions of Winchester, Exeter and London Metropolitan have been conducting an in-depth, multi-faceted evaluation of selected co-curricular student engagement activities – ‘Student Fellows’, ‘Change Agents’ and ‘Peer-Assisted Student Success’ respectively. This involved the collection of survey data to explore key concepts related to the motivations of students to participate in these initiatives. This survey explores areas including employability, academic study and partnership, with an aim of improving co-curricular initiatives to make them more inclusive of ‘hard to reach’ students. These ‘motivations’ to participate are used to contextualise data about the attainment and continuation of active student participants. Rather than seek to assert or confirm that various groups are ‘hard to reach’, this research seeks to understand better what does and does not make co-curricular activities inclusive of hard-to-reach students. In this sense, the aim is to have a greater understanding of how students are successfully ‘reached’. Discussion will focus on how attainment and retention can help us to explore whether a wide range of students is benefiting from participation.


2017 ◽  
pp. 154-182
Author(s):  
David T. Buckley

How has the Philippines’ benevolent secularism withstood challenges brought on by authoritarian rule and religious pluralization over the past quarter century? This chapter documents the role of religious-secular and interfaith partnerships in steering institutional change in Philippines in two periods: the “People Power” Revolution against the Marcos dictatorship and more recent contention over reproductive health legislation. Religious-secular and interfaith alliances helped topple the Marcos regime, and more recently have alleviated some tensions related to reproductive health legislation. The chapter traces elite alliances through field interviews and records of the 1986 Constitutional Commission, and then documents similar consensus in public opinion data.


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