scholarly journals Dinasti Fatimiyah Di Mesir (909-1172): Kajian Pembentukan dan Perkembangannya

2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 125
Author(s):  
Nuraini A Manan

The discussion of the Fatimid Dynasty was an interesting discussion, because the controversy caused by the dynasty was enough to stir the Islamic world. Some author said this kingdom has a great contribution to introduce Muslims to science, because they build the University of al-Azhar. On the other hand, this kingdom is said to be an intolerant extremist kingdom, suppressing Sunni Muslims or Ahlussunnah wal Jamaah. The history of the kingdom filled with oppression, deceit, and deviation from the teachings of Islam is also another side that needs to be raised and discussed. Before discussing the political power of the Fatimid dynasty, we first discuss the ideology of this kingdom, because this is the underlying political movement. Fatimid dynasty was a Shiite-ideological kingdom, more precisely the Ismailis. Isma’ili Shi’ah is a Shi’ite sect who believes that Ismail bin Ja’far is the seventh priest, as for the majority of Shia (Shi’a Itsna Asyriyah) believes that Musah bin Ja’fa was the seventh imam after Ja’far ash-Sadiq. The differences in this subject matter then evolved into other doctrinal principles that increasingly distinguished Ismaili Shiite teachings from mainstream Shiite, Shiite Asna Asyriyah, so this teaching became a separate sect. Ismailis have beliefs that deviate far from the teachings and creeds of Islam. Like other Shiite sects, Isma’ilis Shiites also believe that priests are awake from sinful deeds, they are perfect figures, and there is no gap at all

Antiquity ◽  
1931 ◽  
Vol 5 (19) ◽  
pp. 277-290
Author(s):  
Flinders Petrie

When we look at the great diversity of man’s activities and interests, it is evident how much space they afford for reviewing his history in many different ways. To most of our historians the view of the political power and course of legislation has seemed all that need be noticed; others have dealt with history in religion, or the growth of mind in changes of moral standards, as in Lecky’s fine work. In recent years the history of knowledge in medicine, in the applied sciences, and in abstract mathematics, has been profitably studied, as affording the basis of civilization. The purely mental view is shown in the social life and customs of each age, and expressed in the growth of Art. This last expression of man’s spirit has great advantages in its presentation; the material from different ages is of a comparable nature, and it is easily placed together to contrast its differences. Moreover it covers a wider range of time than we can et observe in man’s scope, but it is as essential to his nature as any of the other aspects that we have named.


2020 ◽  
Vol 46 (2 (176)) ◽  
pp. 325-350
Author(s):  
Andrzej Bonusiak

Treatise on the Political Activity of the Polish Minority in Ukraine (1988–2018). Selected Aspects. The article presents the political activity of Polish diaspora in independent Ukraine. It shows the forms of this activity and its results, referring to examples of selected representatives of the Polish minority. The text also highlights the attempt to create an independent political movement of Poles on the Dnieper, as well as the history of activities of the independent Polish political party on the Dnieper River. The analysis of the situation taking place in the discussed range of 1988–2018 allows us to conclude that representatives of the Polish minority had the opportunity to conduct political activity in Ukraine, regardless of whether they had their own political party or not. It seems that in the specific geopolitical situation in this country the Polish diaspora can effectively operate only in close cooperation with the organizations of the national majority. This in turn allows us to state that the actions aimed at building their own political power were wrong. Keywords: Polish minority, contemporary Ukraine, politics, activity Streszczenie Artykuł prezentuje działalność polityczną Polaków na terenie niepodległej Ukrainy. Pokazuje formy tej działalności i jej rezultaty, odwołując się do przykładów wybranych przedstawicieli mniejszości polskiej. W tekście pokazana jest również próba stworzenia samodzielnego ruchu politycznego Polaków nad Dnieprem, a także przybliżona została historia zabiegów o niezależne stronnictwo polityczne Polaków nad Dnieprem. Analiza sytuacji mającej miejsce w omawianym zakresie w latach 1988–2018 pozwala stwierdzić, że przedstawiciele mniejszości polskiej mieli możliwość prowadzenia działalności politycznej na Ukrainie niezależnie od tego, czy posiadali własną partię polityczną. Wydaje się, że w specyficznej sytuacji geopolitycznej istniejącej w tym kraju diaspora polska może skutecznie działać jedynie w ścisłym związku z organizacjami większościowych grup ludności, co pozwala stwierdzić, iż działania mające na celu budowę własnej siły politycznej były błędne.


Author(s):  
Gopal Krishna

When the european war ended in November 1918 the fate of the defeated Turkish Empire was no longer in doubt. The other fallen empire, Austria-Hungary, had been dismembered, and the Ottoman Turks could not hope to escape the consequences of allying themselves with Germany. For Indian Muslims this raised grave issues of the political power of Islam. They had provided a large number of recruits in the war and had contributed materially towards the defeat of Turkey. Their political leaders had regretted Turkey's entry into the war on the side of Britain's enemies; their sympathies, however, were with the Turks, for the Turkish Sultan was looked upon as the Khalifa, the temporal and spiritual leader of the Islamic community, and—still more important for Indian Muslims—the Khalifa stood for the unity of the Islamic people, and the Turkish Empire, by then the only surviving Islamic Empire, was the symbol of Islam's worldly power. Muslims in India fervently believed in the ideal of Islamic brotherhood. This had always been an integral part of the religious outlook of Islam, but Pan-Islamism appealed especially to Muslims in India because of their minority status. Their interest in the Khalifate was largely due to the fact that it was the one centre of authority to which they could look for protection. The spread of nationalism threatened to submerge them and made them anxious to preserve and strengthen the Khalifate as an institution which might provide them with a rallying point and mobilize in their defence the united forces of the Islamic world.


PALAPA ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-182
Author(s):  
Nursyamsu Nursyamsu

This article talks about Islam and politics are two interesting words to be discussed Islamic literatures. Many of the modern Islamic thinkers and modern neo, which tries to give an explanation of the relationship between Islam and politics. Religious and political discourse, particularly power management (religio-political power) has actually been growing since the middle of the century.In this article will discuss the contemporary Islamic thinkers view sperti Jamaluddin AlAfghani, Rashid Rhido, al-Maududi, Hasan Al-Bana etc.Besides, in this article see the political developments in the Islamic world, including the political history of Islam in Indonesia.


2005 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 749-753
Author(s):  
JEFFREY T. ZALAR

Postmodern communitarian theory insists that all knowledge is participant knowledge: who we are is at least if not more foundational to learning than any philosophy of what we can know. These two books, one written by Jesuit priests and professors of systematic theology at the Gregorian University in Rome and the other by non-Catholic professional historians working at the University of Reading, invite us to consider this assertion.


2014 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 42-58
Author(s):  
Emilio Dabed

This article sheds new light on the political history of legal-constitutional developments in Palestine in the fourteen years following the Oslo Accord. It examines the relationship between the unfolding social, political, and economic context in which they arose, on the one hand, and PA law-making and legal praxis, on the other. Focusing on the evolution of the Palestinian Basic Law and constitutional regime, the author argues that the “Palestinian constitutional process” was a major “battlefield” for the actors of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. Thus, changes in the actors' political strategies at various junctures were mirrored in legal-constitutional forms, specifically in the political structure of the PA. In that sense, the constitutional order can be understood as a sort of “metaphoric representation” of Palestinian politics, reflecting, among other things, the colonial nature of the Palestinian context that the Oslo process only rearticulated. This perspective is also essential for understanding the evolution of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict after Oslo.


Author(s):  
Harald Høiback

AbstractMilitary operations can be a complex and cumbersome undertaking, involving millions of soldiers and tonnes of equipment. Even though war has been part of human experience for time immemorial, systematic thinking about how to prepare, conduct, and use military operations is nonetheless a rather new undertaking. This chapter explores the history of thinking about military operations, broadly defined, and narrows down on operations as the concept is used today.After the historical exploration, the chapter investigates how military operations can be studied. In principle, there are four different ways to approach operations as a field of study. The most common methods are the historical method and operations research, i.e., making heuristic models of reality. Game theory and axiomatic foundationalism are the other two but are far less used than the former two.The development of modern military thinking notwithstanding, it is still difficult to convert military power to strategic gains, and the latter part of the chapter explains why. Military commanders and planning groups do not always get the what and why from the political level, making it difficult to find the how. Military operations are also intrinsically difficult because your opponent will try to make it difficult for you. The concept of an operational level of command is also problematic, since it tends to do the opposite of what is intended. Instead of pulling tactics and strategy closer together, it tends to push them apart. And finally, the word “art” in “operational art” is perhaps also an unfortunate misnomer?


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (2 (22)) ◽  
pp. 106-118
Author(s):  
Gabriella Macciocca

The history of the language represents a moment of deep knowledge in the development of the political thought of the Nation. With regard to the Italian language, we must recognize observations and summaries of linguistic history produced ever since the origins of the language itself. A short number of examples, coming from the history of the Italian language, and from the history of Italian literature, will be considered. We will consider in which way the language has been taught over time and the University statement.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-141
Author(s):  
Arthur Aritonang

“Kekristenan dan Nasionalisme di Indonesia” membahas mengenai sejarah kekristenan di Indonesia yang diasumsikan sebagai agama yang pro terhadap penjajah dari Barat namun asumsi itu tidak benar sebagai bukti ada banyak tokoh Kristen yang ikut memperjuangkan kemerdekaan Indonesia dengan didasarkan semangat nasionalisme. Kemudian pasca-kolonial Belanda kekristenan ingin menampilkan wajah baru yang sungguh-sungguh keindonesiaan dengan lahirnya organisasi DGI/PGI. Namun seiring waktu ketika berakhirnya era orde baru dan memasuki era reformasi, kekristenan dan masyarakat lainnya di Indonesia menghadapi arus gelombang yang mengatas-namakan agama yang pergerakannya cukup masif dibandingkan di era orde lama diantaranya: kelompok Islam fundamentalis yang ingin menjadikan NKRI bersyariat Islam, adanya gerakan politik transnasional HTI yang ingin menghidupkan kembali kejayaan Islam pada abad ke-6 dan faham Wahabisme yang sarat dengan kekerasan. Persoalan lainnya ialah adanya kemiskinan yang terstruktur akibat dari krisis moneter yang melanda di Indonesia tahun 1997. Melalui masalah ini, setiap agama-agama di Indonesia harus melakukan konvergensi atas dasar keprihatinan yang sama. Abstract: Christianity and Nationalism in Indonesia” discuss the history of Christianity in Indonesia, which is assumed to be a religion that is pro to Western colonialism. Still, this assumption is incorrect as evidence that many Christian figures fought for Indonesian independence based on the spirit of nationalism. Then post-colonial of Dutch, Christianity wanted to be presented a truly Indonesian face with the birth of the DGI / PGI organization. But over time when the end of the new order and entering the era of reform, Christianity and the other societies in Indonesia faced challenges in the name of religion whose movements were quite massive compared to the old order including fundamentalist Islamic groups who wanted to make the Republic of Syariat Muslim Indonesia, a transnational HTI political movement that wanted to revive the glory of Islam in the 6th century and the ideology of Wahhabism which is loaded with violence. Another problem is the existence of structured poverty due to the monetary crisis that hit Indonesia in 1997. Through this problem, every religion in Indonesia must converge on the basis of the same concerns.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-206
Author(s):  
Erman

The research aimed to reveal the history of the Raya Magazine and writing on political movements promoted by Islamic College students in Minangkabau. The research findings succeeded in revealing that Raya Magazine was present in the midst of strengthening colonial political pressure and the weakening of the national movement in the 1930s. The political movement was one of the themes of the national movement which was of special note and attention to the Islamic College Students Association. This theme was encountered in several articles during publication, mainly related to the weakening of non-cooperative parties in carrying out movements. The social situation that helped shape the theme of the political movement was the impact caused by the application of vergaderverbood in 1933 and arrested a number of non-cooperative parties leaders, especially Partindo, PNI Baru, and Permi.


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