scholarly journals Assessment of the goals of the Russian Federation in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization given by French researchers

Author(s):  
Elizaveta Dmitrievna Trifonova ◽  
Darya Vladimirovna Tavberidze

The subject of this research is the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the goals of the Russian Federation therein. This article aims to fill the gap in French historiography and analyze the goals of the Russian Federation in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization through the prism of French researchers. An overview is given to the assessment given by French authors to Russia’s goals in this organization at the stage of its foundation, establishment and development, as well as the overall goals of the Russian foreign policy in post-Soviet space and Central Asia. Special attention is given to the security and energy issues, as well as the growing influence of China and the United States in Central Asia. The relevance of this work is substantiated by the analysis of French research dedicated to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the goals of the Russian Federation therein, which is carried out for the first time. For article leans on the monographs and articles by the French historians, political scientists, and experts in the area of international relations dedicated to foreign policy of the Russian Federation in the early 1990s – late 2000s and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. The conclusion is made that according to the majority of French researchers, the Russian Federation uses the Shanghai Cooperation Organization to strengthen its positions in Central Asia, as well as on the international arena.

2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 343-380 ◽  
Author(s):  
Soňa Rusnáková

Abstract The main aim of this paper is to analyse the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation. For the purposes of the paper, the theory of hybrid warfare was chosen as an analytical category. Throughout the paper, the concept of hybrid warfare is examined and applied on case study of Crimean annexation. Hybrid warfare, especially in connection with Russian actions in Crimea has been an intensely debated concept. There is an ongoing debate among scholars concerning the meaning of the concept, its existence and employment by the Russian Federation. This paper showed that the article of Valeriy Gerasimov – the incumbent Chief of the General Staff of the Russian Federation-invoked a new warfare strategy for the Russian Federation which was consequently for the very first time in its full spectre and effectivity employed on case of Crimean annexation in March 2014. Observing the application of the hybrid warfare in practice serves the purposes of countering its further potential application in post-Soviet space and Russian ‘near abroad’.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 84-105
Author(s):  
D. A. Belashchenko ◽  
V. V. Tolkachev ◽  
A. P. Shmelev ◽  
I. F. Shodzhonov

Integration processes in the post-Soviet space actualize the topic of several individual organizations prospects considering current trends on the international scene, particularly the ODED-GUAM. This formation is specific because it was initially created without the participation of the Russian Federation and also formed as an alternative to the Common-wealth of Independent States and other integration projects where the leading role was recognized for the Russian Federation.The study consists of two parts. The first part examines the development process of the ODED-GUAM organization and high-lights the main stages of its existence. The transformation of the conceptual ideas of the organization’s development from a global to a local actor in world politics was also mentioned in the article. The study conducts a broad analysis of the organization’s source base, evaluates the results that the organization has achieved and the reasons of its composition change.The second part of the study is devoted to the analysis of the prospects for the development of this organization from the standpoint of neorealism (structural realism) taking into account the combination of endogenous and exogenous factors.The totality of moments related to the specifics of the ODED-GUAM conceptual component evolution, the episodic nature of its activities, the presence of the internal conflict of interests among participating countries, the leading international actors positions towards the organization, allows us to consider the integration entity is mostly the artificial construct that unified states that were for one reason or another out of key integration projects of the Russian Federation in the post-Soviet space. It is also relevant to consider the ODED-GUAM as a tool for promoting the interests of such actors as the United States and the EU in the post-Soviet space, as an instrument of information, ideological, and economic pressure on Russia and its partners in integration entities.In fact, the prospects of the ODEDGUAM organization are directly dependent on the position and policy of external actors who consider this organization as one of the platforms to influence the Russian Federation as well as the People’s Republic of China and the integration projects implemented by these countries.


2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (127) ◽  
pp. 35-53
Author(s):  
O. Kondratenko

The content of the new geo-strategic status of the Russian Federation that emerged after the collapse of the world socialist system and the collapse of the Soviet Union. The strategic conditions in which Russia is closely linked to the geopolitical environment that developed after the emergence of new independent states, the department new Russian borders. Russia in comparison with the USSR lost 25% of the territory, more than half of the population and the industrial and economic potential. RF is currently trying to stick to the geopolitical balance between Europe and Asia with a view to obtaining the role of the Eurasian transcontinental bridge. At the same time Russia was faced with geopolitical realities, which are connected with the restriction of its communications and foreign policy capabilities influence both on the west and south-east directions in connection with the new status of yesterday’s post-Soviet republics. Ukraine, Belarus and other former Soviet states of Eastern Europe addressed by the Russian Federation only as a geopolitical buffer on the south-western strategic flank. In the end, on the South Caucasus and Central Asia is assigned as a buffer on the south and south-east strategic flanks. From the point of view of the Russian geostrategy «vulnerable» segment of the border remains, which borders with Poland and the Baltic states. However, in recent years, Russia gradually loses its geopolitical influence in Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova. There is a significant probability that in the medium term, Belarus will pay its strategic vector of foreign policy towards the EU and NATO. Such transformation in the foreign policy of the newly independent states will be another step in the destruction of geopolitical influence of Russia in the post-Soviet space. This situation is further more than changing the geopolitical landscape of the post-Soviet space and affects the geopolitical picture of the world as a whole.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (8) ◽  
pp. 80-95
Author(s):  
D. V. GORDIENKO ◽  

The military component of the Russian Federation's policy in the "strategic triangle" Russia-China-USA occupies an important place in the implementation of Russian aspirations in various regions of the world. The purpose of this article is to assess the impact of the military component of the Russian Federation's policy in the Russia-China- US strategic triangle on the implementation of current Russian policy in the post-Soviet space, in the Asia-Pacific and Euro-Atlantic regions, in the Arctic, the Middle East and other regions of the world. The paper examines the influence of the military component of the Russian Federation's policy in the Russia- China-USA “strategic triangle”, proposes an approach to a comparative assessment of this influence, which allows identifying the priorities of Russian policy in the post-Soviet space, in the Asia-Pacific and Euro-Atlantic regions, in the Arctic, on The Middle East and other regions of the world. A comparative assessment of the influence of the military component of the Russian Federation's policy in the Russia-China-USA “strategic triangle” can be used to substantiate recommendations to the military-political leadership of our country. The article concludes that the military component of Russian policy occupies a dominant position in the implementation of the current policy of the Russian Federation in the post-Soviet space, in the Asia- Pacific and Euro-Atlantic regions, in the Arctic, the Middle East and in other regions of the world.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 307-327
Author(s):  
Virsaviya Viver ◽  

The article discusses modern Eurasian integration - regional processes of unification in the post-Soviet space, in which Russia plays a guiding role. Despite the declaration by the American establishment of the importance of the Eurasian macro region and the deep involvement of the United States in the region’s affairs, the American foreign policy discourse clearly shows a lack of interest on the part of the expert community in integration in the post-Soviet space against the backdrop of Washington’s assistance in integration processes in other regions of the world. In this regard, the purpose of the article is to analyze the current practice of coverage in the American scientific and academic discourse of Eurasian integration processes with the active role of Russia. Based on the opinion of American experts from centrist, liberal and conservative think tanks, it is planned to determine the place of Eurasian integration issues in the American foreign policy discourse, to determine the dynamics of changes in the process of coverage of Eurasian integration by the American expert community, and to outline the nature of the assessments of American experts on Eurasian integration projects.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 356-365
Author(s):  
Jean Cottin Kouma

Since the mid-1990s, and even more Vladimir Putin’s accession to the presidency, reaffirmation and recognition of Russia’s status as a great power has been erected as an existential political imperative. The restoration of Russia's global influence is one of the parts of this high-powered policy implemented by the authorities. It manifests itself repeatedly through hard power initiatives outside national borders in Georgia, Ukraine or Syria. But the “color revolutions” in the post-Soviet space, primarily the Orange Revolution of 2004, prompt the Russian government to rethink its foreign policy in order to project a better image of Russia abroad. This late awareness is reflected in the adoption of a clean soft power strategy and its main key instruments are created during the second term of Vladimir Putin (2004- 2008). The notion of soft power will be institutionalized in the Foreign Policy Concept of the Russian Federation on February 12, 2013. This article is therefore intended as a contribution to the analysis of the issues surrounding the cultural variable in foreign policy. of the Russian Federation. It is therefore more precisely his ambition to decipher the motives underlying the mobilization of resources for the purpose of cultural outreach by Russia. A country with many contrasts and, moreover, in a world cultural field traditionally controlled by strong Western powers, Russia has opted for soft power, with the triple vision of making its way, to feed its current rise and to pose as a “responsible” and “conciliatory” power. For the twelfth largest economic power in the world, it is also a question of reducing the mistrust and criticism that its presence already arouses on the international scene. The choice made on the cultural variable is therefore not insignificant; because, it is a strategy, through which Russia would like to build, if not regain its greatness of yesteryear.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 132-145
Author(s):  
A. Szeptycki

This article analyzes Poland’s policy towards the former Soviet space (Poland’s Eastern policy) through the assumptions of the realist theory of international relations. The fi rst part of the article examines the realist theory in international relations (IR). The second – deals with the existing literature on Poland’s foreign policy. The third part analyses the determinants and the goals of Poland’s policy towards the post-Soviet states (history of its relations with the region, ideological determinants, security concerns, etc.). The last part inquires about the evolution of Poland’s policy till current times. The Russian Federation is perceived as a signifi cant threat by Poland. In that context, since the early 1990s, Poland has been seeking solutions to strengthen its security. It aimed to join the North Atlantic Alliance and establish a close partnership with the United States (bandwagoning). This strategy brought substantial eff ects – in 1999, Poland joined NATO, and since it has hosted allied troops. Poland also wanted to develop cooperation with Ukraine (to a lesser degree also with its other post-Soviet neighbors) and bring them closer to the Euro-Atlantic structures. This policy was, in particular, at weakening Russia’s infl uence in the region (balancing). The results of this strategy have been somewhat ambiguous, though. Ukraine has rejected Russia’s sponsored reintegration projects in the post-Soviet space. The process of reforms in that country, however, is slow and uncertain. As for other post-Soviet states, Poland has largely proven unable to infl uence the desired changes.


Author(s):  
Valeriy Zhabskiy ◽  
Aleksander Shuvalov

In the early 1990 s, the foreign policy concept in Russia was based on the policy of «Euro-Atlanticism», which presumed orientation towards the Western model of development, integration with the Western countries and a conflict-free vision of international relations. But unlike the era of «Cold War» with the USSR, the Western countries did not consider the Russian Federation to be equal in status and did not hasten the process of establishing strategic partnership. Russia has never managed to establish an alliance with the Western countries and become «part of the Western world», «Euro-Atlanticism» has not proved itself. In the late 1990s, a shift began to a course of «multi-vector» foreign policy, implying a multipolar system of international relations. Moreover, at the end of the twentieth century, the Russian Federation faced growing threats from the United States and the countries that make up the military-political bloc of NATO, which necessitated a rethinking of priorities and possibilities for ensuring the protection of Russia’s national interests and security, and the development and adoption of new doctrines and concepts on the subject. This article thus deals with the process of establishing State priorities on the basis of the principle of protecting the national interests and safeguarding the national security of the Russian Federation during the period 1999-2007.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 135-160
Author(s):  
D. V. GORDIENKO ◽  

The purpose of this article is to assess the impact of the military component of the Russian Federation policy in the strategic triangle Russia – China – USA on its current Russian policy in the post-Soviet space, in Asia- Pacific and Euro-Atlantic regions, the Arctic, the middle East and in other regions of the world. An approach to the comparative assessment of this influence is proposed, which allows us to identify the priorities of Russia's policy in this area.


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