CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF THE WORK: THE FIRST FOR CHAPTERS OF THE ANATOMY OF THE STATE

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-29
Author(s):  
Cláudio Filipe Lima Rapôso

The Anatomy of the State, Rothbard (2018), American economist and had his article published by the Mises Institute in 2012. Translated and adapted into Brazilian Portuguese by Leandro Augusto Gomes Roque & Fernando Fiori Chiocca. The book is structured in 7 chapters totaling 50 pages. The book is an abstract and illustrative reading of a typical “anatomical” and “physiological” organizational of the state. In order to carry out this work, a survey of the staked work was carried out. The methodology followed the Raposo (2019) process as a basis. Brito e Cunha (2015) apud Bardin (2009). n each page exposes arguments and substantiates its ideals in an expository way to criticize the roots of pro-state thinking. The book exposes the empirical and well-known argument in which it states that the state "is us", that "we are the government". It is generally an efficient form of wealth production, as it requires little effort, even though it is parasitic. Refuting the concept of collectivity of the State. This excerpt concludes by stating that the State is eminently authoritarian, and in its essence corresponds to the sum of the political forces of wealth production, while the private ones, yes, are characterized by the use of the economic means of wealth production.   Bibliographic References   BARDIN L. Análise de conteúdo. Portugal: Edições 70; 2009. BRITO e CUNHA R. B, GOMES R. Young male homosexuals and their health:a systematic review. Interface (Botucatu). 2015; 19(52):57-70.5–148, 2015. RAPÔSO, C. F. L .et al. LGPD-LEI GERAL DE PROTEÇÃO DE DADOS PESSOAIS EM TECNOLOGIA DA INFORMAÇÃO: Revisão Sistemática. RACE-Revista da Administração, v. 4, p. 58-67, 2019 ROTHBARD, Murray N. Anatomia do estado. LVM Editora, 2018.

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-28
Author(s):  
Cláudio Filipe Lima Rapôso ◽  
Gilberto Cordeiro de Andrade Júnior

Philip Kotler, nasceu em 27 de maio de 1931 na cidade Chicago nos Estados Unidos, Kotler se tornou mestre em Economia Pela Universidade de Chicago e seu Doutorado na mesma área no MIT. Segundo análise feita ao Google Scholar com o descritores” Administração de Marketing” e “Philip Kotler” a sua obra foi citada 11.846 vezes em português, entre os autores está Chiavenato (2004), Vieira (2002), Honorato (2004) e Tenório (2015). A competitividade do mercado tende a ser astuto, agregando diversas e complexas opções, tornando bastante energética a forma de conquistar e fidelizar clientes, mantendo fiéis dedicados. Dessa forma, conclui-se que o objetivo empresarial tende a superar o contexto simples de satisfação, incorporando o conceito de fidelização, comunicação e entrega de forma eficiente em uma sociedade globalizada. Referências bibliográficas Bardin, L. (2009). Análise de conteúdo, Edições 70, Lisboa. Portugal, LDA. Brito, R. C. B., & Gomes, R. (2015). Young male homosexuals and their health: a systematic review/Os jovens homossexuais masculinos e sua saude: uma revisao sistematica/Los jóvenes homosexuales masculinos y su salud: una revisión sistemática. Interface: Comunicação Saúde Educação, 19(52). Chiavenato, I., & Sapiro, A. (2004). Planejamento estratégico. Elsevier Brasil. Honorato, G. (2003). Conhecendo o marketing. Editora Manole Ltda. Kotler, P. (2000). Marketing para o século XXI. Futura. Kotler, P. (2003). Dirección de marketing: conceptos esenciales (3. a edición). Kotler, P., & Armstrong, G. (2007). Princípios de marketing. Pearson Prentice Hall. Kotler, P., & Keller, K. L. (2006). Administração de marketing: a bíblia do marketing. 12ª edição. Lana, D. (2016). Administração de Marketing. MISES: Interdisciplinary Journal of Philosophy, Law and Economics, 4(2), 571-575. Tenório, O. F. G. (2015). Responsabilidade social empresarial: teoria e prática. Editora FGV. Vieira, V. A. (2002). As tipologias, variações e características da pesquisa de marketing. Revista da FAE, 5(1). Rapôso, C. F. L., de Lima, H. M., de Oliveira Junior, W. F., Silva, P. A. F., & de Souza Barros, E. E. (2019). LGPD-LEI GERAL DE PROTEÇÃO DE DADOS PESSOAIS EM TECNOLOGIA DA INFORMAÇÃO: Revisão Sistemática. RACE-Revista da Administração, 4, 58-67. Rapôso, C. F. L. (2019). CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF THE WORK: THE FIRST FOR CHAPTERS OF THE ANATOMY OF THE STATE. Internacional Multidisciplinary Journal of the Brazil , 2(1), 21 - 29. https://doi.org/10.46343/imjbr.v2i1.10


Author(s):  
Andrei Salnikov

This article examines the establishment of government structures responsible for conducting privatization, as well as the rapid evolution that they underwent overt the period from 1991 to 1993. The struggle of various political forces resulted in creation of the two departments responsible for conducting privatization – the State Property Committee and the Federal Agency for State Property Management. The author elucidates the factors of their creation, analyzes the aspects of the political struggle between various Russian elite groups that influenced the structure of privatization bodies. Analysis is also conducted on the practical activity of both “privatization” bodies and the State Property Committee and the Federal Agency for State Property Management during the 1991–1993. The following conclusions were made: 1. The bodies responsible for privatization were created for political reasons, and despite the outlined objectives, were not assigned the task of effectively selling state property. 2. The State Property Committee was formed as part of I. S. Silaev’s government for engaging enterprises from the union jurisdiction to the Russian jurisdiction. 3. The Federal Agency for State Property Management was established to obstruct the government of I. S. Silaev in managing privatization; however, due to imminent resignation of this government and formation of the new Yeltsin-Gaidar government with the dominant position held by another elite group – “young reformers” – it was no longer relevant all the way until 1993.    


2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Tawanda Zinyama ◽  
Joseph Tinarwo

Public administration is carried out through the public service. Public administration is an instrument of the State which is expected to implement the policy decisions made from the political and legislative processes. The rationale of this article is to assess the working relationships between ministers and permanent secretaries in the Government of National Unity in Zimbabwe. The success of the Minister depends to a large degree on the ability and goodwill of a permanent secretary who often has a very different personal or professional background and whom the minster did not appoint. Here lies the vitality of the permanent secretary institution. If a Minister decides to ignore the advice of the permanent secretary, he/she may risk of making serious errors. The permanent secretary is the key link between the democratic process and the public service. This article observed that the mere fact that the permanent secretary carries out the political, economic and social interests and functions of the state from which he/she derives his/her authority and power; and to which he/she is accountable,  no permanent secretary is apolitical and neutral to the ideological predisposition of the elected Ministers. The interaction between the two is a political process. Contemporary administrator requires complex team-work and the synthesis of diverse contributions and view-points.


Author(s):  
Luana Faria Medeiros

POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY AND THE MINERAL SECTOR: the legislative propositions that impact the management of the territories with mining in the state of Pará – 2011 to 2016GEOGRAFÍA POLÍTICA Y EL SECTOR MINERO: las proposiciones legislativas que impactan la gestión de los territorios con la minería en el estado de Pará – 2011 a 2016O presente trabalho tem o objetivo de resgatar o campo da política na Geografia, no contexto da atividade mineral no estado do Pará, principalmente diante de vários entendimentos de que os conflitos de interesses nas sociedades e nos territórios se resolvem também pelo viés político; partindo de uma leitura teórica do conceito de território, poder e política, onde essa tríade será determinante para o entendimento das proposições legislativas dos anos de 2011 a 2016 voltadas para a mineração, e da análise da gestão política e territorial no setor mineral paraense e seus impactos na sociedade a partir das políticas públicas. A relevância da pesquisa está no aspecto político que envolve a tomada de decisão que é essencialmente importante nas relações sociais de poder do Governo do Estado do Pará que, materializadas, causam impactos no território com mineração, sobretudo na utilização da taxa mineral, instrumento regulador de ação no território.Palavras-chave: Território; Poder; Política; Mineração.ABSTRACTThe present work aims to redeem the field of politics in geography, in the context of the mineral activity in the state of Pará, mainly faced with various understanding that conflicts of interests in societies and territories also resolve by bias Political; Starting from a theoretical reading of the concept of territory, power and politics, where this triad will be decisive for the understanding of the legislative propositions of the years of 2011 to 2016 focused on mining, and the analysis of the political and territorial management in the mineral sector Pará and Its impacts on society from public Policy. The relevance of the research is in the political aspect which involves the decision making which is essentially important in the social relations of the Government of the state of Pará that, materialized, cause impacts on the territory with mining, especially in the use of the mineral rate, Action-regulating instrument in the territory.Keywords: Territory; Power; Policy; Mining.RESUMEN El presente trabajo pretende redimir el campo de la política en geografía, en el contexto de la actividad minera en el estado de Pará, frente principalmente a diversos entendimientos de que los conflictos de intereses en sociedades y territorios también se resuelven por sesgo Política. A partir de una lectura teórica del concepto de territorio, poder y política, donde esta tríada será decisiva para la comprensión de las proposiciones legislativas de los años de 2011 a 2016 se centró en la minería, y el análisis de la gestión política y territorial en el sector minero de Pará y Sus impactos en la sociedad de la política pública. La relevancia de la investigación está en el aspecto político que implica la toma de decisiones que es esencialmente importante en las relaciones sociales del gobierno del estado de Pará que, materializadas, causan impactos en el territorio con la minería, especialmente en el uso de la tasa mineral, Instrumento de regulación de la acción en el territorio.Palabras clave: Territorio; Poder; Política; Minería.


2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 43-61
Author(s):  
Annika Ullman

Principal C.J.L. Almqvist and the principle of personalityThe Swedish author and visionary Carl Jonas Love Almqvist (1793–1866) was the principal for twelve years (1829–1841) of the government-initiated pilot school ”Nya Elementarskolan” (New Elementary School) in Stockholm. In this position, he argued that both the school and the state should be built on the same basic idea: the right of individual freedom. This argument is often referred to as ”personlighetsprincipen” (the principle of personality), a concept launched by another prominent figure of the liberal culture of the time, Erik Gustaf Geijer (1783–1847). This article explores how the principle of personality is expressed in the texts of Almqvist and is mainly built upon the concept’s allegorical resources. It examines the thesis that Almqvist’s use of the term is best understood if one distinguishes between the political, pedagogical, and existential dimension of the concept. The article ends with some thoughts about the context of the concept and a discussion on whether Almqvist had a greater interest in personalities than in principles.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2-1) ◽  
pp. 62-91
Author(s):  
Irina Zhezhko-Braun ◽  

This article is the third and final in a series dealing with the birth of a new political elite in the United States, the minority elite. In previous articles, the mechanism of its appearance was analyzed, as well as its ideology, goals, program and values. The black movement, as the most co-organized of all protest movements, is entering the final phase of its development, being engaged in the placement of its representatives in state and federal governments, political parties and other social institutions. The women’s movement has recently been taken over by ethnic movements, primarily blacks, and has become their vanguard. This article describes new social elevators for the promotion of minority representatives into the corridors of power. The logic of promoting people of their own race, gender and nationality to the highest branches of power began to prevail over other criteria for recruiting personnel. During the 2020 election campaign, a new mechanism for promoting minorities in all branches of government was formed. It is based on numerous violations of local and federal electoral legislation. The mechanism of pressure on the US electoral system is analyzed using the example of the state of Georgia and the activities of politician Stacey Abrams. The article describes Abrams’ strategy to create a network of NGOs that are focused on one mission - to arrange for the political shift of the state in the elections. These organizations circumvented existing laws, making the state of Georgia the record holder for electoral irregularities and lawsuits. The article shows that Abrams’ struggle with the electoral laws of her state is based on the political myth of the voter suppression of minorities. The author identifies a number of common characteristics of the new elite. The minority elite does not show any interest in social reconciliation and overcoming racial conflict, but rather makes efforts to incite the latter, to attract the government to its side and increase its role in establishing “social justice” through racial quotas and infringement of the rights of those social strata that it has appointed bearers of systematic racism in society. As the colored elite increases and the government’s role in resolving racial conflicts grows, the minority movement is gradually condemned, it ceases to be a true grassroots movement and turns into astroturfing.


Ensemble ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-122
Author(s):  
Soham DasGupta ◽  

India played an active role in the liberation war of Bangladesh in 1971. The relation between the two countries remained cordial in the initial years but it soon soured with the coup d’etat of 1975. This also marked the rise of the anti-Indian elements in the Bangladeshi politics. This article makes a brief survey of anti- Indian elements that has remained a part and parcel of the political fabric of Bangladesh since 1971. It also looks into the ways in which the anti-India stance has been instrumental in garnering popular support to hold on to political power. The article begins with the background of the creation of Bangladesh and India’s active role in it which was followed by the friendship treaty signed between the two countries. Then it moves to the changing scenario following the coup d’état of 1975 which marked the visible changes within the polity of Bangladesh. The nature of nationalism underwent change moving from secularism to a religious character which found expression in the policies of the state. The military rule most often found it convenient to use the anti-Indian stance in order to please the fundamentalist elements of the country in its bid to garner popular support. The issues of water sharing, refugees and issues of fomenting possible insurgency with active support of India were highlighted. Even after the restoration of democracy, the anti-Indian factions remained active in opposing the government of Sheikh Hasina’s foreign policy with regard to India. Radical religious factions, who had throughout opposed the liberation war, still play a major role in fanning the anti-Indian sentiments in Bangladeshi politics.


2013 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 102-138 ◽  
Author(s):  
András Jakab ◽  
Pál Sonnevend

Hungarian constitutional law – New Basic Law – Continuity with the previous democratic Constitution – Vision of the political community embedded in the new Basic Law – The level of protection of fundamental rights – Continuity and lack of foreseeability in the organisation of the state – European legal procedures against or about Hungary – The life prospects of the new Basic Law – Danger of constitutional crisis whenever the government does not hold a constitution-amending majority


2015 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 381-412 ◽  
Author(s):  
LEONARDO WELLER

The London House of Rothschild depended on Brazil to maintain its reputation. This became a problem in the 1890s, when the Brazilian government almost defaulted on its sovereign debt after a change of regime had made politics unstable and economic policy unorthodox. This article shows how the relationship between the bank and the state developed to the point that Rothschilds was forced to rescue its client. Exposure enabled Brazil to implement policies designed to defend the regime at the expense of payment capacity without defaulting. The debt crisis ended only after the political situation stabilized toward the close of the century, when the bank pressured the government to tighten economic policy.


Significance Journalists say the move is part of a wider crackdown that includes a judicial campaign against senate members who dispute the government’s right to abolish the upper house after winning a constitutional referendum on August 5. Officially, the focus of the crackdown is concern that an exiled businessman, Mohamed Bouamatou, may be financing opponents of the regime. However, the strategy also has a wider intimidatory effect on opponents and independent voices that might scrutinise the government. Mohamed Ould Ghadda, one of the most prominent critics, is already in jail, journalists and trade unionists have been subjected to questioning and the state prosecutor is pursuing other senators. Impacts The senate’s abolition removes a key institutional channel through which opponents can try to hold the government to account. Abdelaziz will become even more dominant on the political scene now that the senate has been shut down. The start of gas exports from the Tortue field in 2021 and expansion of the Tasiast gold mine will boost the government’s confidence.


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