scholarly journals The Inevitability of the USSR Collapse and the Emergence of New Russia in the Mass Media

Author(s):  
Lusine Ovakimovna Muradian ◽  
Abbas Mohammadovich Dzhuma ◽  
Ntentie Mari Nzhipuakuyu ◽  
Khussein Madzhid Kasem Salekh

From a documentary perspective the article addresses issues such as the collapse of the Soviet Union, separatism in the USSR and the existence of similar destructive processes in modern Russia. Special attention is paid to the role of the media in the collapse of the USSR. The goal was to find out whether the collapse of the Soviet Union and the rise of New Russia were inevitable. Consequently, the additional objectives of the article are to identify the main reasons for the collapse of the USSR, to draw an analogy with the situation in modern Russia, to analyze propaganda techniques by examining the Moscow News newspaper, and to study and generalize the main problems of inter-ethnic dialogue in the Soviet and post-Soviet space. The relevance of the topic is justified by the lack of a unified view in the community of experts on the causes and consequences of the collapse of the USSR, as well as by the lack of a unified assessment of the period of Perestroika and the inevitability of the transition from socialism to capitalism in Russia. It is concluded that in the geopolitical phenomenon of the collapse of the USSR occupies a special role the national and international media dimension.

2019 ◽  
Vol 71 (4) ◽  
pp. 498-526
Author(s):  
Marina Kostic

The subject of this paper is to determine the relations between the European, Euro-Atlantic and Eurasian integration, especially their exclusive character and the turmoil in the European post-Soviet space. The paper concludes that the exclusive nature of the integration process, which has a value and a geopolitical dimension, encourages the USA, EU and Russia conflicts for control over this area and leads to the reopening of ethnic and territorial disputes (solutions for one represent deepening of crisis for the other stakeholders), remilitarization and a new arms race, the increased military presence of the USA and Russia in the region and further destabilization of the world and European order, especially the relationship between the USA-Russia-EU. The roots of these integrations are found at the end of the Cold War, the disintegration of the Soviet Union, and the survival of Western economic and defence organizations that sought and still seek to expand to the post-Soviet space in order to create a universal liberal democratic world order despite Russian dissent. This work thus sheds light on the contradictions of keeping an open-door policy of the European and Euro-Atlantic integration, which causes the opposite effect in Russia - a sense of closing the door, the new isolation and restraint, creating new divisions in Europe. On the other hand, the contradiction that this analysis reveals is that Russia, while seeking equal treatment and respect for its interests by the West, is in fact expecting respect of its inequality compared to other European post-Soviet republics, de facto recognition of its right of veto to the post-Soviet republics integration and its special role in this region, which practically bolster further fears that these countries will be returned to the Russian sphere of influence or even a new Russian state. Of the several variables that have remained as a result of the breakup of the Soviet Union and affected the foreign policies of the post-Soviet states, the question of the type of integration became crucial because of its defence, geopolitical, economic and wider social effects.


Author(s):  
Elena A. Kosovan ◽  

The author of the publication reviews the photobook “Palimpsests”, published in 2018 in the publishing house “Ad Marginem Press” with the support of the Heinrich Böll Foundation. The book presents photos of post-Soviet cities taken by M. Sher. Preface, the author of which is the coordinator of the “Democracy” program of the Heinrich Böll Foundation in Russia N. Fatykhova, as well as articles by M. Trudolyubov and K. Bush, which accompany these photos, contain explanation of the peculiarities of urban space formation and patterns of its habitation in the Soviet Union times and in the post-Soviet period. The author of the publication highly appreciates the publication under review. Analyzing the photographic works of M. Sher and their interpretation undertaken in the articles, the author of the publication agrees with the main conclusions of N. Fatykhova, M. Trudolyubov and K. Bush with regards to the importance of the role of the state in the processes of urban development and urbanization in the Soviet and post-Soviet space, but points out that the second factor that has a key influence on these processes is ownership relations. The paper positively assesses the approach proposed by the authors of the photobook to the study of the post-Soviet city as an architectural and landscape palimpsest consisting mainly of two layers, “socialist” and “capitalist”. The author of the publication specifically emphasizes the importance of analyzing the archetypal component of this palimpsest, pointing out that the articles published in the reviewed book do not pay sufficient attention to this issue. Particular importance is attributed by the author to the issue of metageography of post-Soviet cities and meta-geographical approach to their exploration. Emphasizing that the urban palimpsest is a system of realities, each in turn including a multitude of ideas, meanings, symbols, and interpretations, the author points out that the photobook “Palimpsests” is actually an invitation to a scientific game with space, which should start a new direction in the study of post-Soviet urban space.


2015 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 127-149
Author(s):  
Michael O. Slobodchikoff

This article investigates how states can begin to cooperate and form bilateral relationships given severe barriers to cooperation. Certain issues can prevent cooperation from occurring despite strategic interests in doing so by both states. However, if states agree to use the institutional design feature of territorial or issue neutralization, then conflict can be averted even if some of the major hindrances to cooperation remains unresolved. I examine in greater detail how both territorial and issue neutralization are used as institutional designs feature in building a cooperative bilateral relationship. Through two major case studies, the self-imposed territorial neutralization of Finland in its relations with the Soviet Union as well as issue neutralization in the relationship between Russia and Ukraine following the collapse of the Soviet Union, I am able to show that territorial and issue neutralization may be effective tools for resolving conflict in the post-Soviet space and could create cooperative relationships instead of conflictual ones.


2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 81-110
Author(s):  
David Erkomaishvili

The fall of the Soviet Union in 1991 allowed independent states, which emerged in its place, to construct their own alignments. The choice of the case for empirical analysis had been made based on several unique characteristics. Orthodox Alliance Theory had almost never properly addressed alignments in the post-Soviet space due to the lack of access to information during the Soviet period - along with the structure of the state: only Soviet alignment policies were taken into consideration, instead of those of its constituent republics as well - and modest interest of alliance theorists in the region. Continued disintegration of the post-Soviet space, which has not stopped with the collapse of the Soviet Union but keeps fragmenting further, creates a unique setting for researching the adequacy of Alliance Theory's classic assumptions as well as developing new approaches. This work traces the development of the post-Soviet system of collective security and its subsequent transformation into a series of bilateral security relations, along with the shortfall of multilateralism.


Allow me first of all to express my deep gratitude for this honour: to speak before the Royal Society, before Britain’s foremost scientists. Your President suggested to me that I speak about the organization of science in the Soviet Union. This is no easy task, because the organization of science cannot be considered apart from its development. Nor can one avoid making certain assessments of various scientific trends, and here there are always pitfalls. I must also ask you to excuse me in advance if I happen to lapse into some commonplace generalities about science and its significance, but so much has already been said on the subject that one can scarcely be original in dealing with it. Nevertheless, it is here that I shall begin. In our day we very often hear it said that in the twentieth century science has come to play a special role in the development of society and the role of the state in organizing science has been enhanced. For centuries science has been a motive force of progress, and in advanced countries governments have been at pains to found universities, which have been centres of learning. There is no doubt, however, that never before did the scope of research and the number of people occupied in it increase as rapidly as they are doing today. Man has realized that major technical advances nowadays depend on harnessing less and less conspicuous natural phenomena, hidden deeper and deeper from view.


2016 ◽  
Vol 63 (4) ◽  
pp. 427-443 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marian Burchardt ◽  
Hovhannes Hovhannisyan

This article draws on the notion of ‘cultural defense’ to examine how nationalism shapes contemporary contestations around religion and secularity in Armenia. While clearly relevant, this framework has rarely been used for the analysis of religious change in the Caucasus region as part of the broader post-Soviet space. This article fills this lacuna. Simultaneously, it moves beyond the relatively narrow interest in the degree of secularization or reinforced religious nationalism as social outcomes of cultural defense situations. Instead, we are interested in how boundaries between religion and secular spheres in society are drawn in particular ways, how the resulting religious – secular configurations have evolved since the end of the Soviet Union – of which Armenia was a part – and how concepts of nationhood and nationalist mobilizations have shaped this process.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 1080-1088
Author(s):  
Gertjan Plets

Despite the growing interest in post-Soviet space (the countries formerly located in the Soviet Union or its sphere of influence) in the field of memory studies, researchers have only just begun to the study how ‘things and practices’ from the past are mobilized, institutionalized and repackaged in this particular part of the world. This special collection explores how heritage is being made in a highly diverse and multicultural space where Soviet modernist conceptions of culture and identity interact with local deeply rooted attitudes as well as post-Soviet economic and political challenges.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 191-202
Author(s):  
M. M. Nurtazin

In the process of researching the geopolitical transformation of the post-Soviet space as a «Eurasian project», the author uses the method of comparative analysis of the official foreign policy documents of the founding States of the Eurasian economic union. The author, highlighting Kazakhstan, Russia and Belarus as subjects of the «integration core» in the post-Soviet space, reinforces the integration aspirations of these countries with economic data indicating their growing interdependence during the decade preceding the creation of the Union in may 2014.It is shown that the sanctions regime imposed by the Western countries on Russia and their negative impact on the economy of the EEU did not reduce the political will of the leaders of the «Troika» to continue further integration.A detailed research of the policy statements (publications) of the political leaders of the EEU «integration core» allows to determine the special role of Kazakhstan and its President N. Nazarbayev in the implementation of this large-scale geopolitical project.The author in considering programmatic foreign policy documents of Kazakhstan, Belarus and Russia offers to focus attention on the peculiarities of the positioning of the Eurasian economic union as integration entity. As a result, according to the author, the membership of Belarus in the «Eurasian project» was the result of a hard compromise for the Belarusian people. The Russian example shows that Moscow’s foreign policy vector was initially perceived by the EEU as a global project connecting Europe with the Asia-Pacific region. Now, however, Russia has positioned the EEU as a regional site. The author regards this as a decrease in the status of Eurasian integration and believes that this thesis looks very controversial. Kazakhstan, in turn, sees the «Eurasian project» as an opportunity to join the global economic chains. Thus, Astana attaches to the EEU exclusively global significance.The position of the Kazakh leader in the course of meetings with Western leaders is emphasized. The leader of Kazakhstan traditionally positions the EEU as an adequate and successful economic integration entity with which it is necessary to establish cooperation in all spheres. This allows him to be assigned the status of «advocate» of the «Eurasian project». At the same time, the article notes the support of the Eurasian views of N. Nazarbayev on the ideas of classical Eurasians P. Savitsky, G. Florovsky, N. Trubetskoy, G. Vernadsky, S. Solovyov, L. Gumilev.It is concluded that in the conditions of the remaining anti-Russian sanctions regime Kazakhstan’s participation in the EEU is one of the main factors of the legitimization of integration education at the regional and global levels. 


Politologija ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 93 (1) ◽  
pp. 60-97
Author(s):  
Giedrius Česnakas ◽  
Vytautas Isoda

[full article, abstract in English; abstract in Lithuanian] Lithuania has been a target of Russia’s soft power efforts for the past two decades. The aim of this article is to analyse Russia’s soft power influence possibilities in Lithuania. First, it analyzes how soft power is interpreted in Russia compared to the Western conception. Then, Russia’s soft power instruments and their core goals are reviewed, not all of which fall under the category of “soft power instruments” according to the Western understanding. The article proceeds with demographic changes in Lithuania and trends of consumption of Russian culture and information in Lithuania. The main argument is that Russia is not aiming to apply soft power to the general Lithuanian society but to particular groups within the population (Russophone minorities and residents with sentiments for the Soviet Union). It can be assumed that demographic trends and Russia’s aggressive actions will increasingly limit its soft power capabilities. However, the greatest setback to Russia’s soft power in Lithuania is arguably caused by its continuing reliance on hard power when it comes to countries of the post-Soviet space.


2009 ◽  
Vol 35 (S1) ◽  
pp. 237-256 ◽  
Author(s):  
PAUL KUBICEK

AbstractThe Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) was designed to manage the collapse of the Soviet Union and foster post-Soviet cooperation in political, economic, and security spheres. Over a decade into its existence, most analysts would rate it a failure: many post-Soviet states do not participate in CIS ventures, the institutional machinery of the CIS is weak, and Russia, the most dominant post-Soviet state, has tended to favour bi-lateral relationships over multi-lateral institutions. Why is this the case? This article looks at the CIS through the prism of theories of regionalism, demonstrating that the CIS was handicapped on many fronts, including emergent multi-polarity in the post-Soviet space and domestic-level political considerations in many post-Soviet states.


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