scholarly journals The Role of Great Britain in the Military-technical Cooperation of the Countries of European Union

2019 ◽  
pp. 87-100
Author(s):  
A. Hrubinko

In the article the Great Britain’s contribution to the development of military-technical cooperation between the countries of the European Union is analyzed. It was found that the British leadership conducted ambiguous policies on military-technical cooperation (MTC) of the European integration. The desire to win the priority in the European MTC was combined with the provision of British companies the benefits of cooperation with American partners. British military-industrial complex became a rival of the military-industrial complex of the states of continental Europe. The position of Great Britain has become one of the obstacles to the formation of a single European arms market. The exit of the kingdom from the EU can stimulate the process of creating a single European militaryindustrial complex, in which France and Germany, supported by other influential industrial states (Italy, Spain, etc.) will dominate. The British military-industrial complex will continue to have a significant impact on the European MTC machinery, which relatively successfully operates outside the EU.

Author(s):  
S. Belousov

The article covers different aspects of the Israeli military-industrial complex and military-technical cooperation with foreign countries. At the present stage, the development of Israeli military-industrial complex depends significantly on its export operations. The innovative high-technology production focus, diversification of consumers, active positions uptake abroad allows Israel to achieve a great success in the military-technical sphere and join in the top five leading world actors at the international world arms market.


2021 ◽  
Vol 104 (4) ◽  
pp. 10-25
Author(s):  
Alexey Gromyko ◽  

In the centre of the study ‒ the contemporary discourse on the subjectivity of the European Union, conducted by euro-atlantists and euro-autonomists in the field of both conceptual and applied issues. We witness a collision of two views about a desirable type of the EU’s identity as a part of the revived Western-centric world or as a moderate Eurocentrism. A significant attention is paid to the principle of strategic autonomy and the role of Germany and France in its implementation. The subjectivity of the EU is treated as a multi-speed process, intrinsic to the history of the European integration. The author explores the Eurocentric tendencies in the military-political sphere including deliberations on the primary deterrence. The EU’s aspirations towards digital and trade sovereignty are highlighted drawing examples of the JCAP and Nord Stream 2. The article demonstrates that J. Biden’s victory in the presidential election in November 2020 has not reduced the EU ‒ US contradictions on a range of important issues. The recent events in Afghanistan and the signing of AUKUS have become a stark reminder that the principle of strategic autonomy of the EU should be treated by Brussels as the basis for the common security and defense policy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 197-206
Author(s):  
Jakub Siotor

Ukraine and Russian gas transit to the European Union. Current situation and perspectives for the future Ukraine is the most important transit state of Russian gas to the European Union. The annexation of Crimea in 2014 caused the military conflict what affects mutual business relations between those two countries until today. It was one of the reasons that made Gazprom start thinking of new gas transition installation omitting Ukraine. The purpose of the study is to show current role of the Ukraine in Russian gas transit to the European Union. The first part of the article describes current situation of the gas sector in Ukraine and historical review of relations with Russia concerning gas trade. The second part shows current ways of Russian gas distribution to the EU and the perspectives connected with new gas pipelines projects – Nord Stream 2 and Turkish Stream. The third part focuses on giving an answer to the question: weather the Ukraine still is to be the Russian gas transit state in the second decade of the 21st century? The study is based on scientific and press articles as well as on information given at official websites of the following institutions: European Union, government of Ukraine, government of Russia, NGOs from Ukraine, Russia and EU states. The article is also based on discussion that took place in Warsaw at 11th of May 2019 during International Conference Quo Vadis Ukraine held by phd research organization „Ucrainica”.


2003 ◽  
Vol 55 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 339-353 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dejan Gajic

After the end of World War II leaders of the West European countries had realised the necessity to create new security frameworks, thus making the security of the continent the concern of the Europeans themselves. However, immediately after it had been formed the North Atlantic Alliance, as a trans-Atlantic defence shield against the danger from the "communist East", became the central security component in Europe. Just after the end of the Cold War and disappearance of the "danger from the East" the European leaders initiated the process of creation of the new European defence system. The system would be designed in such a way not to jeopardise the position of the NATO, improving at the same time the security and stability in the continent. In the first part of the article the author considers the course of European integration in the second half of the last century that proceeded through creation of institutions preceding the establishment of the European Union. During the period of creation of this specific form of action performed by the European states at the internal and international levels, the deficiency of integration in the military field was notable. In that regard, the author stresses the role of the Western European Union as an alliance for collective defence of West European countries. The second part of the paper discusses the shaping of the EU security component through the provisions on the Common Foreign and Security Policy, which are included in the EU agreements. The Maastricht Treaty defined the Common Foreign and Security Policy as an instrument to reach agreement by member states in the defence field. The Amsterdam Treaty confirmed the role of this mechanism expanding the authorities resulting from it. The Treaty of Nice supplements the existing mechanism by a new military and political structure that should help implement the decisions made by the European Union institutions in the military field. In the third part of the article, the author presents the facts concerning the establishment and internal organisation of the Eurocorps. The creation of this military formation took place in early 1990s and was initiated by the two states of "the old Europe" - Germany and France. The authors also emphasises that the establishment of this formation is the first step towards creation of the armed forces in Europe. The fourth part of the paper treats the Rapid Reaction Force that was established by the Helsinki Agreement (1999). It became operative in early 2003 and its basic aim is to prevent the outbreak of crises in the region and to improve stability in Europe. In spite of the opinions that the establishment of such a force is the skeleton for creation of the European armed forces, the author thinks that, at least in the near future, they will not be a rival to the NATO. In his opinion, their possible military missions will be carried out only when the alliance takes no interest in being engaged in them.


Author(s):  
Andrzej DEMKOWICZ ◽  
Mukoła SHEYAKOV

The authors of this article are focusing on the role of the European Union in managing the crisis that occurred at its Eastern borders. The political conflict in Ukraine, which we have witnessed since 2013, entered a military phase. The European Union, in its sense of responsibility for shaping security at its borders, should have reacted adequately to circumstances. The implementation of the EU crisis response process occurred gradually, using, above all, diplomatic sources of crisis solving. All the same, despite the military capabilities for conflict management, the European Union did not decide to use them for shaping security in the Eastern part of Ukraine. The authors have attempted to describe the involvement of the European Union bodies in this process and to evaluate its effectiveness.In assessing such a critical but also sensitive area that is shaping security, it is important to remember about the limitations of the European Union as an organization consisting of sovereign states functioning in the international environment.The European Union, in its actions, needs to rely on the consensus of the variety of national interests of the member states as well as the credibility in implementing universal values, which the organization commonly declares and promotes among the international community.


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (Vol 18, No 4 (2019)) ◽  
pp. 439-453
Author(s):  
Ihor LISHCHYNSKYY

The article is devoted to the study of the implementation of territorial cohesion policy in the European Union in order to achieve a secure regional coexistence. In particular, the regulatory and institutional origins of territorial cohesion policy in the EU are considered. The evolution of ontological models of cohesion policy has been outlined. Specifically, the emphasis is placed on the key objective of political geography – effectively combining the need for "territorialization" and the growing importance of networking. The role of urbanization processes in the context of cohesion policy is highlighted. Cross-border dimensions of cohesion policy in the context of interregional cooperation are explored. Particular emphasis is placed on the features of integrated sustainable development strategies.


Author(s):  
Antoine Vandemoorteele

This article analyzes the role of the European Union (EU) and Canada in the promotion of Security Sector Reforms (SSR) activities in two regional organizations, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). The concept of SSR seeks to address the effective governance of security in post-conflict environment by transforming the security institutions within a country in order for them to have more efficient, legitimate and democratic role in implementing security. Recent debates within the EU have led to the adoption of an SSR concept from the Council and a new strategy from the European Commission on the SSR activities. Within the framework of the ESDP, the EU has positioned itself as a leading actor, in this domain, including in its crisis management operations. On the other hand, Canada, through its whole-of government and human security programs has also been an important actor in the promotion of SSR activities. Yet, even though several international organizations (including the United Nations, the OSCE and NATO) are effectively doing SSR activities on the ground, there does not exist a common framework within any of these organizations despite the role of the EU and Canada. As such, it is surprising to found no global common policy for SSR while this approach is precisely holistic in its foundations. Taking these elements into consideration, this paper analyzes two specific aspects : a) the absence of a common policy framework within international organizations and b) the major differences between the approaches of the OSCE and NATO in the domain of SSR and the implications for the EU and Canada’ roles.   Full extt available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v3i2.186


Author(s):  
Sergio DellaPergola

AbstractThis paper aims at providing a new systemic contribution to research about perceptions of antisemitism/Judeophobia by contemporary Jews in 12 European Union countries. The perspective – the viewpoint of the offended side – has been less prominent relatively in research literature on antisemitism. The data analysis demonstrates the potential power of Similarity Structure Analysis (SSA) as a better theoretical and empirical tool to describe and conceptualize the contents of chosen research issues. After a brief review of some methodological problems in the study of antisemitism, this paper will re-elaborate data first published in the report of the 2018 FRA study Experiences and Perceptions of Antisemitism – Second survey on Discrimination and Hate Crimes against Jews in the EU (FRA 2018a). Topics include the perceived importance of antisemitism as a societal issue, the contents of anti-Jewish prejudice and discrimination, channels of transmission, perpetrators of offenses, regional differences within Europe, and the role of antisemitism perceptions as a component of Jewish identification. Special attention is paid to the distinction between cognitive and experiential perceptions of antisemitism, and to the typology of practical, populist, political, and narrative antisemitism.


Author(s):  
S. Pogorelskaya

The article describes the transformation of German policy towards the European Union after the reunification of Germany, German proposals to overcome the Euro crisis of 2010–2011 and the future role of Germany in the EU.


2004 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 509-522 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victor D. Bojkov

The article analyses the process of EU enlargement with reference to the progress that Bulgaria and Romania have made within it. It is argued that leaving them out of the wave of accession finalised in May 2004 for ten of the candidate states, has placed them in a situation of double exclusion. Firstly, their geographical belonging to the region of Southeast Europe has been rendered non-essential by their advanced position within the EU enlargement process. Secondly, their achievement in economic and political transition has been removed from the progress of the ten states, which joined the EU in May 2004 by delaying the time of their accession. As a result, any efforts in regional cooperation and integration between Bulgaria and Romania on one hand, and other Southeast European states on the other, have been effectively cancelled. Moreover, in current European politics, the two countries have come to serve the unenviable role of exemplifying on the part of the European Union how progress is being awarded and hesitation punished.


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